573 THE ANGLO-SAXON EPISCOPATE of Cornwall, with some Account of the Bishops of Crediton, by E. H. PBDLER, 1856, 8vo, cloth 4s 6d
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FROM-THE- LIBRARY OF TRINITYCOLLEGETORDNTO
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EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
THE
EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL;
WITH SOME ACCOUNT OF THE
BISHOPS OF CREDITOR
BY
E. II. PEDLER, ESQ.
LONDON: JOHN PETHERAM, 94, HIGH HOLBORN,
MDCCCLVI.
'46
LONDON :
F. PICKTON, PRINTER, PKRKY'S PLACE, 29, OXFOKD STBEET.
J984
PREFACE.
THE following work was commenced with little expecta tion of its being submitted to the public, especially in its present form. The Cornish Episcopate did not appear to possess sufficient interest for a separate publication. It happened, however, whilst the subject was undergoing investigation, that a proposition was advanced, and seriously entertained, of reviving this ancient Bishoprick, which induced the Author to believe that some curiosity would naturally arise to ascertain what is known of the See, as it existed in remote times. In the hope of supplying this information, he completed the work, and has committed it to the press. He is not, however, without apprehension that, by detaching the subject from a more general view of the County History, during the cotemporaneous period, and by presenting it only as a mere torso, an imperfect fragment of an age long since passed away, he has incurred the risk of
IV PREFACE.
weakening the evidences, and of rendering the argu ments arising out of them, less convincing and con clusive than they would otherwise have appeared. He has only to add, that from a desire that the work should be easily intelligible to the general reader, he has thought it right to introduce translations as well as explanatory matter, which, for the purposes of the professed antiquary, would be deemed unnecessary and out of place.
LISKEARD, 31^ July, 1856.
INTRODUCTION.
THE existence of a Bishoprick of Cornwall is a fact of so ancient a date as to be little known, excepting to the student of antiquity. It belongs exclusively to the Anglo-Saxon times. We may remember that our Anglo-Saxon progenitors crossed the German Ocean and colonized this country in the fifth and sixth centuries of our era. The circumstances attending this event, although of the greatest interest to us as Englishmen, are very imperfectly known ; and the little information we possess respecting them, is derived only through the untrustworthy channels of tradition. If we may believe the accounts transmitted to us, the colonists arrived in this island, in separate bodies, and at different periods of time, each band of adventurers having its own leader or chieftain, to whom, when they had settled down upon their newly acquired territories, they gave the title of " cyning," or king. It was thus that several independent principalities, or petty kingdoms, became established in the southern half of the island of Britain, and the destinies of the English nation may be said to have commenced.
VI INTRODUCTION.
The colonists who obtained the possession of the south-western districts of Britain, first located them selves on the part of the country which now nearly corresponds with the county of Southampton. They were designated by the name of "The Gewissi,"1 and afterwards by that of "The West Saxons." Their colony was confined on the east and north by other settlements of their countrymen ; but on the west there intervened no obstacle to a further extension of their territory but the despised and pusillanimous Briton. On this side, by slow but sure steps, and not without many conflicts with the natives, the West Saxons continually advanced their settlements, until they finally extended their dominion to the farthest extremity of the Cornish peninsula. It was also the good fortune or the merit of this state, to acquire an ascendency over all the others, and, by fusing them together, to establish a single sovereignty over the whole of England.
At the time of their first arrival in the island, these German immigrants were rude and unpolished barba rians, ignorant alike of the arts of civilised life and of the truths of the Christian religion. In all these respects the inhabitants of Britain, whom they invaded and despoiled of their lands, enjoyed a striking superiority : an advantage which they had acquired from the teach-
1 " G-e" is generally redundant in the Anglo-Saxon; "wissi" or "visi" is identical with " west." Thus the Ostrosothi and Visigothi are the Eastern and Western G-oths.
INTRODUCTION. Vll
ing of their Roman masters. It has been imputed to them as a crime, by one of their own countrymen, that they omitted to impart to their Saxon invaders a know ledge of the true faith ; but the active hostilities which for many ages separated the two races, may have been an insurmountable obstacle to the fulfilment of this duty. The omission was, however, supplied from another and a far distant quarter. A ray of the divine light, emanating from Rome, fell upon the benighted intelligences of those untutored sons of adventure. It was favourably received, and in process of time the religion of the Cross triumphed over Anglo-Saxon idolatry.
The conversion of the West Saxons was effected by the preaching of Birinus,1 a Roman missionary, and on embracing Christianity, they established a bishoprick at Dorchester, near Oxford, of which Birinus was the first prelate ; and presently afterwards a second at Winches ter, their principal town. West Saxony, at that period, was of no great extent, and two sees were sufficient for its wants. But as its territories became enlarged, there were added the bishopricks of Sherborne, Wilts, Wells, Crediton, and finally of Cornwall. This distinction of possessing a separate episcopacy, Cornwall was not des tined to enjoy for any permanency. After the lapse it may be of somewhat more than a century, at a time when a foreign priesthood filled the ranks of the English Church,
1 See Chronological Table in the Appendix.
Vlli INTRODUCTION.
and at the instigation of a foreign prelate who then oc cupied the episcopal throne, it was brought to a close. The Cornish and Devon dioceses were united into one, and the seat of the bishop was established at Exeter. With the causes which led to this change we are but im perfectly acquainted ; the reasons assigned for it appear inadequate and unsatisfactory; and the purity of the motive is not without suspicion. But whether the measure was defensible or not at that time, there is an opinion that the exigencies of the present day demand its rever sal ; and after eight hundred years of acquiescence, Par liament will probably be called on to reconsider its policy, and to vindicate the wisdom of our Anglo-Saxon fore fathers, by restoring to Cornwall its separate episcopacy. The ordinance by which its abolition was effected, is pre served in a contemporary record, or royal charter, the contents of which are well known, and will be submitted in the following work. Like other instruments of that kind, it possibly partook of the nature of a legislative and parliamentary act of that period ; and it is a remark able circumstance, and one which well illustrates the continuous and unbroken current of our national fortunes, that, notwithstanding its great antiquity, this document might still be appealed to, as the authority for the law which it is now proposed to rescind. Not that we sup pose it necessary for Parliament to notice it in dealing with this subject, for its extreme age so greatly transcends the limits practically assigned to our written laws, that
INTRODUCTION. IX
its enactments will doubtlessly be regarded as a portion of the unwritten or common law of the land.
Although the termination of the Cornish Episcopate is distinctly brought before us, by historical and other records, the time and circumstances of its commence ment, the prelates who presided over it, and its other incidents, are all subjects more or less involved in the obscurity which envelops that early portion of our national history ; increased probably by the remoteness and secondary importance of the locality. The evidences which relate to it are mostly of an unconnected and frag mentary character. They require to be gleaned from many sources; their variances to be reconciled; and their import to be ascertained, by comparing them with each other, or with the "general history of the times. An attempt has been made in the following work to accom plish this object ; to bring together all the material testimonies which are known to exist; and so to place them before the reader, that he may be enabled to exer cise his own judgment on all points of doubt or con troversy. And, although the task may not have been executed with all the completeness of which it is suscep tible, the writer is not without a hope that the succeed ing pages may be of some service to those who desire to investigate this obscure portion of local history.
C 0 N T E N T S.
PAGE
INTEODUCTION .... ...... v
CHAPTEE I. — Commencement of the subject — Two heads of inquiry — Names of Prelates— Place of the See — Cornish See asserted by William of Malmesbury to have commenced A.D. 904, and ./Ethelstan the first bishop, proved an error — Various authorities quoted for this purpose — Previous difficulties removed by correcting this error — Other bishops : Buruhwold, ^Ethelstan, Ealdred, Conan — Bishop Godwine's list of bishops not satisfactorily established — Additional names from the Bodmin Book of the Gospels— Some account of this document . 1
CHAPTEE II. — Evidence derived from the Manumissions recorded in the Bodmin Book of the Gospels — Table comparing it with the evidence of the Charters — Bishops ^Ethelgeard, Comoere, Wulfsige, in the time of Duke Ordgar — ^Ethelstan — Account of Duke Ordgar — The story of Eadgar and 2Elfrytha from Geoffrey Gaimar's Chronicle — Bishops jEthelred, Buruhwold, in the time of Duke ^Ethelwserd, and Abbat Germanus — An account of the Duke and the Abbat — These Bishops not Chorepiscopi, as supposed ........ 23
CHAPTEE III. — Buruhwol<t not the last of the Cornish Bishops, as usually stated — Lyving and Leofrick to be considered Bishops of this see — An account of Bishop Lyving and of Bishop Leofrick — His Charter or Will— Termination of the Cornish See, A.D. 1050— List of the Cornish Bishops, with the authorities — The Crediton Bishops — List of them compiled from the Charters — Observations thereon . . 45
CHAPTEB IV. — The Place of the Cornish See according to modern and ancient authorities— St. Germans or St. Petrock's— Dispute as to the site of the latter — "Whether Bodmin or Padstow — Proved to be Bodmin — The Bodmin Monastery resting on historic testimony — That at Padstow solely on conjecture — Evidences in favour of each view — Story of the body of St. Petrock clandestinely removed from Bodmin and taken to France — Again restored — Padstow not the ancient name . 59
CHAPTEE V. — Place of the See continued — Testimonies adduced — Inqui sition temp. Edw. III. — Charter of King -3£thelred, annexing Saint Petrock's to the See of Saint Germans — Charter of King Cnut — Charter of King Eadward, uniting the Cornish and Devon Bishopricks, and See removed to Exeter, A.D. 1050— Possibly a joint See of Saint Germans and Saint Petrock's — Relation of the Bishop to the Monas tery—Transfer of its Lands on the removal of the See — Those of Saint Germans divided — No part of Saint Petrock's Estates transferred — Leland's authority — Evidence of the Manumissions as to the See not conclusive as assumed by Mr. D. Gilbert — Recapitulation . . .75
Xll CONTENTS.
PAGE
CHAPTER VI. — Commencement of the Cornish See — involved in obscurity — not easily accounted for — The silence of the Bodleian MS. respect ing it — from what cause — Difficulties explained by supposing the See to be of British foundation — Reasons assigned for the removal to Exeter — somewhat questionable — prejudicial to the Cornish — Evi dence from Architectural Remains — atBodmin — at St.Q-ermans — Cud- denbeake stated to have been the Bishop's Palace — Conclusion . 96
APPENDIX,
No. I. King ^Ethelstan's Gift of Relics to Saint Mary and Saint Peter's
Monastery at Exeter . . 115
II. King ^Ethelred's Charter . 119
III. King Cnut's Charter 126
IV. King Eadward's Charter . 130
V. Bishop Leofrick's Charter . . . 136
VI. The Bodleian MS , . . 141
VII. Table of Eorls of Devon , .151
VIII. Charter of King Henry III. . . 152
IX. Inquisition temp. Edward III. ....,,, 154
X. Proceedings against the Prior of Bodrnin ..... 157
XI. King JSthelstan's Charter relating to the See of Crediton . . 161
XII. The Grants by King Eadward to Duke ^Ethelweard ; and by King
^Ethelstan to Saint Petrock's Monastery . . . .165
XIII. Chronological Table . .169
INDEX 171
ERHATA,
Page 5, note, for jucundurn, read jocundum, 6, line 20, for this, read his.
note 2, for Cantuaria, read Cantuarise.
— 11, note, third line from bottom, for Sunnengensian, read
Sunnungnensian.
— 24, line 2, for Petrociensis, read Petrocenais.
— 27, note 1, for filiam, read filiam.
— 42, line 8, /or*Kamsay, read Eameey.
— 123, line 8 from bottom, for Pretrocua, read Petrocus.
THE
ANGLO-SAXON EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL
CHAPTER I.
Commencement of the subject — Two heads of inquiry : 1. Names of the Cornish Prelates. 2. Place of their see — The Cornish see said by William of Malmes- bury to have been created A.D. 904, and ^Ethelstan the first prelate, proved to be an error — Various authorities quoted for this purpose — Previous difficul ties removed by correcting this error — Other bishops : Buruhwold, /Ethelstan, Ealdred, Conan — Bishop Godwine's list of bishops not satisfactorily esta blished — Additional prelates disclosed by the Bodmin book of the Gospels
— Some account of this document.
•.
IT is universally admitted that the county of Cornwall, in the Anglo-Saxon period, constituted a separate eccle siastical diocese, and that it continued to enjoy this dis tinction almost down to the time of the Norman Conquest. It is also generally asserted in our county histories, that Cornwall was first erected into an episcopal see by King Eadward the elder, A.D. 904 ; but we believe it will be in our power to show that this assertion has been made on insufficient grounds, and is not entitled to command our assent. Indeed we are not aware that there is any historic evidence which distinctly informs us when this bishoprick was created ; and the absence of it — since it is nowhere accounted for — is deserving of remark. It not only leaves m in a state of uncertainty with regard to the origin of the episcopate, but induces a surmise that it must have existed under some peculiar and anomalous
B
xJ THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
circumstances. There is, however, no such uncertainty respecting its extinction, which was occasioned by the Cornish and Devon dioceses being united into one ; upon which the seat of the bishop was established at Exeter, where it has remained to this day. This event occurred in the reign of King Eadward the Confessor, A.D. 1050, just sixteen years antecedently to the Norman Conquest. The darkness of the age to which the Cornish epis copate belongs, and the great interval of time which separates us from it, conspire to render our view of it indistinct and obscure. Such vestiges of its existence as have survived to our own day, are neither very numerous nor of great significance : indeed little more has come down to us, to satisfy our curiosity, than a few brief notices and occasional allusions, which may be found scattered over the pages of ancient chroniclers, or pre served in contemporary records. In this dearth of in formation under which it is our misfortune to labour, it will not be expected that we should produce a perfect and unbroken history of this ancient bishoprick, or even that we should furnish any account of it having the semblance of a history ; all that we can undertake is, to adduce such casual and unconnected testimonies respect ing it, as have been discovered in the works of ancient writers, and other records of antiquity ; to reduce them into chronological order ; and to supply such explanatory observations as may render their import more intelligible, or throw light upon the main subject of the inquiry. And if the result, from its incompleteness, should disap point expectation, we can only lament that the memory of past events, in common with whatever belongs to humanity, should have been doomed to fade and pass away. But it is hoped that the views which we shall obtain of the transactions of a remote age — transient and
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. JJ
superficial as such views must necessarily be — will not be wholly uninstructive or without interest. Occasionally there will be brought under our notice, modes of think ing and acting, and a condition of society, in striking contrast with such as are now familiar to us : and espe cially we shall have occasion to observe the all-pervading influence of the Church ; conspicuous not only within her own sphere, but in the solemn formularies of the law, and in the ordinary dealings of every-day life. The peculiar position too in which Cornwall was then placed, with regard to the rest of England, will not pass un noticed ; inhabited as it was by a surviving remnant of the old Celtic race, which, after ages of resistance, had but recently submitted to English rule. And although it would not be consistent with the plan of this work to advert, but incidentally, to these various topics, we may nevertheless hope that they will occasionally supply matter for reflection, and compensate, in some degree, for the few facts it is in our power to produce in illus tration of the principal subject.
The purpose then which we have in view, of collecting such historical notices of the Cornish Episcopate as have escaped oblivion, and of presenting them in the succeed ing pages, will, we believe, be best accomplished by pur suing an inquiry under the two following heads : — First, the names of the Prelates who presided over the Cornish diocese ; and secondly, the place of their See. Both branches of the inquiry have already given occasion to some controversy : for our early historians having omitted to inform us of the names of the Cornish bishops ; this omission, modern investigators, with much industry and no little variance amongst themselves, have endeavoured to supply. And with regard to the see ; although we are sufficiently assured that previously to the union of the
4 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
Devon bishoprick with that of Cornwall, the prelates of the former were seated at Crediton,1 history has nowhere informed us, with any exactness, where the see of the Cornish prelates was placed ; and the opinions of recent times have been divided, in maintaining the respective claims of St. Germans and Bodmin to this distinction. These two subjects of controversy we now propose to examine ; and our first inquiry will be, to ascertain who were the bishops that presided over the see.
The earliest writer to whom we can have recourse for information, is Florence of Worcester, who wrote his Chronicle shortly after the Norman Conquest, and, con sequently, at no very long period after the consolida tion of the two sees ; indeed that event may possibly have occurred in his own lifetime.2 This author has left us the names of the Crediton bishops ; but he gives us no such information respecting the Cornish episcopate, although he briefly adverts to the circumstance of its union with that of Devon in the reign of Eadward the Confessor. The next authority which we can call to our aid, is the Chronicle of William of Malmesbury, who in early life was a contemporary of Florence;3 but the Chronicle of William is almost as deficient in informa tion as that of the other historian. There is, however, a passage in his works, which has been usually thought to have reference to this subject, and which it is therefore incumbent upon us to adduce.
When Beda brought his ecclesiastical history to a close, A.D. 731, there was no bishop in West Saxony seated
1 According to Camden and Bishop Godwine, the see was first at Tawton, and soon afterwards was removed to Crediton. We are not aware upon what authority this assertion rests.
2 Florence of Worcester died A.D. 1118.
3 He is supposed to have been born about A.D. 1095 or 1096, and to have died about A.D. 1143. See Preface to Dr. Giles' translation, 1847.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 5
further west than Sherborne ; indeed, at that time the Saxon arras had probably not made very much progress to the westward of that city : but as the Saxons extended their conquests in that direction, and added new territory to their dominions, it became necessary to make further provision for the authority of the Church, by establish ing bishopricks in the conquered provinces. It should seem, however, that the West Saxon monarchs had been neglectful of this duty to the Church ; inasmuch as no additional bishopricks had been created so late as the reign of Eadward the elder — nearly two hundred years after the time of Beda. This omission appears the more remarkable, for, during this interval, the West Saxon settlements had spread over the whole of what is now called Devonshire, and had even passed the river Tamar, into Cornwall. We are told, that this neglect roused the anger of Pope Formosus ; and, in consequence of his menaces, King Eadward not only appointed bishops to the sees of Winchester and Sherborne, which he had allowed to be vacant, but on the same day he created five new episcopates. The story is told by William of Malmesbury, in the following passage, which, on account of its important bearing on our subject, we give entire, translated into English : —
" But to return to our Eadward ; what in his time was commanded by Pope Eormosus, respecting the renewal of the bishopricks, I think it will be entertaining to relate, and will, therefore, insert in the same words in which I found it recorded/'
" In the year when, from the nativity of our Lord, 904 years had been completed, Pope Formosus sent letters to England, pronouncing excommunication and malediction
1 " Jucundum puto mcniovatn, itaque yerbis eisdem quibus inveni seripta iulerseravn."
6 THE EPISCOPATE OE CORNWALL.
on King Eadward and all his subjects, instead of the benediction which the blessed Gregory had pronounced on the English nation, from the seat of Saint Peter. For during seven whole years had the entire district of the Gewisi, that is, of the West Saxons, been destitute of bishops. As soon as this was heard, King Eadward assembled a synod of the senators of the English nation, over which presided Pleimundus, Archbishop of Canter bury, strictly interpreting the words of the legation. Then the King and Bishops took wholesome counsel for themselves and their people ; and, according to the word of the Lord, "The harvest truly is plenteous, but the labourers are few/ they elected and appointed several bishops to the several provinces of the Gewisi ; and that which formerly was held by two, they divided into five. When the conference was over, the Archbishop proceeded to Rome with handsome presents, and appeased the Pope, with much humility, reciting the royal decree which was particularly pleasing to the apostolic personage. Having returned to this country, he, on one day, ordained at the city of Canterbury, seven bishops to seven churches : — Fridestan to the church of Winchester, Adelstan to that of Cormvall, Werstan to that of Sherborne, Adelelm to that of Wells, Edulf to that of Crediton. But, likewise, to the other provinces he appointed two bishops : to the South Saxons, Bernegus, a suitable person; and to the Mercians, Chenulf, at the city of Dorchester.1 All which the Pope confirmed, so that whoever should subvert this decree should be punished everlastingly/'2
1 Dorchester had, some time before, been severed from West Saxony, and made part of the kingdom of Mercia.
2 " Eediens ad patriam in urbe Cantuaria uno die septem episcopos septem ecclesiis ordinavit. Fridestanum ad ecclesiam -Wintoniensem, Adelstanum ad Cornubiensem, Werstan urn ad Schireburnensem, Adelelmum ad Wellensem, Edulfum ad Cridiensem."— Gul. de Malm. Gest. Reg. Angl. lib. ii. c. 5.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 7
It is on the authority of this passage, that the Cornish episcopate has been generally assumed to have had its origin, A.D. 904, l in the reign of King Eadvvard the elder ; and that ^Ethelstan was its first prelate. But this con clusion, we must here at once observe, we cannot accept. The statement of the author, so far at least as it relates to Cornwall, we believe to be altogether erroneous.
In controverting so eminent an authority as that of William of Malmesbury, and questioning a statement which has been very generally admitted into our county histories as an indisputable fact, we are conscious that we are exposing ourselves to a charge of precipitancy, if not of presumption, which renders it necessary to explain, at considerable length, the reasons by which we have been influenced.
We do not rely on the gross anachronisms which some of our ablest antiquaries have pointed out in the above passage, which alone are sufficient to shake our faith in the story.2 Nor do we lay great stress on the circumstance, that Cornwall is apparently named second in the series, when it would naturally have been the last. Both these points of exception undoubtedly have some degree of weight; but our objection is of a different character, and assumes the correctness of the story of the appointment of the seven bishops in one day.
1 Or, rather, in the 905th year of our era.
2 Sir II. Spelrnan is of opinion, that if we suppose Formosus' name to have crept into the text by mistake for Pope Leo V., the error of the passage would be cured. He says, " Non ego video quin sana fiant omnia." But it is well known that there are other inaccuracies. Denulf Bishop of Winchester died A.D. 908, and Frithestan succeeded him A.D. 910. In the same year died Asser Bishop of Sherborne, who filled that see in the time of King Alfred. — Sax. Chron. These dates are wholly irreconcileable with the above story. But it appears from several charters, that the Winchester see was divided into two by King Eadward, in or shortly before the years 908-9, Frithestan being then the bishop ; also that Denulf was the bishop in 904.
8 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
If we turn to the pages of the earlier chronicler, Florence of Worcester, we shall find the same story narrated there also, and in almost identical language ; but without mention of the Pope's letter. In Florence, how ever, it is stated that Bishop ^Ethelstan was appointed, not to the Cornish see, but to the " Corvinensian " [ad Corvinensem].1 The Chronicle of William of Malmes bury followed closely, in point of time, that of Florence ; but in relating the same transaction, this author, as we have seen, substitutes " Cornubiensian," or Cornish, for the " Corvinensian" of Florence.2 It is here, we ap prehend, that the Malmesbury historian has fallen into an error ; and his text, having unfortunately been accepted as a gloss upon that of Florence, has given occasion to the general belief that the two words referred to meant the same place. It will now be for us to show that they relate to different places.
In the passage we have extracted from his works, it will be seen that William of Malmesbury declares his account to be inserted in the very words in which he found it written. Now, the same story will likewise be
1 "Rex Anglorum, Eadwardus primus, et archiprsesul Dorobernise, Pleig- mundus, salubri consilio invento, singulis tribubus Grewissorum, singulos con- stituentes episcopos, singulis episcopia constituerunt ; et quod dudum duo habu- erunt, in V. diviserunt. Q(uibus gestis, Pleigmuiidus, in civitate Dorobernia, septem episcopos septem ecclesiis, in una die, consecravit, Frithestanum ad ecclesiam Wintoniensem,.2Ethelstanum ad ecclesiam Corvinensem^ Werstanum ad ecclesiam Scireburnensem, ^Ethilhelmum ad ecclesiam Fontanensem, Eadulfum ad ecclesiam Cridiatunensem, Australibus Saxonicis, Bernethum, et Merciis Australibus, Ccenuulfum, ad civitatem quse vocatur Dorceaster."
This passage is not in the body of the Chronicle, but is among the lists of the bishops appended to it. It seems that it is found in all the most ancient MSS. of Florence, and no doubt is entertained of the genuineness of the passage, what ever doubt there may be of the authenticity of the story.
2 We had at first some suspicion that the text of William of Malmesbury had been corrupted ; but on referring to Mr. Hardy's new edition, we find nothing to warrant this suspicion. There are likewise other passages in this author wherein be ascribes the creation of the Cornish see to Eadward the elder.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 9
found related in a very ancient MS., which it is said was given to Exeter Cathedral by Leofrick, the first bishop of that see. It is now in the Bodleian Library,1 and is printed in Dugdale's Monasticon. This account is much more detailed than that of William of Malmesbury ; but the latter, so far as it extends, is nearly in the selfsame words as those of the MS. It has been suggested, there fore, by Mr. J lardy, the editor of the recent much-esteemed edition of this historian's works, that this was the source from whence he derived his information. Now, this MS., as the text is printed in Dugdale,2 agrees with Florence in assigning ^]thelstan "ad Corvinensem ccclesiam"
There is likewise another account of this transaction, which will be found in Sir H. Spelman's Concilia; and which, he informs us, he found among the archives of the Church of Canterbury. On comparing it with that of the Bodleian MS., it appears to be almost identical with it ;3 and here too, as the text is given in Sir H. Spelman's work Atheist 'an is assigned "ad Corwiensem" Now, that these names, " Corvinensem" and " Corwiensem" were not used for " Cornubiensem" in these two authorities, is evident from the circumstance, that in the very next sentence4 which they contain, the words " Cornubia" and
1 Bodley 579. See Appendix No. VI., where we give at length this curious document, with a translation. We shall often have occasion to refer to it here after. The text should be compared with William of Malmesbury and Florence of Worcester.
The laudatory remarks on Leofrick, contained in it, not to mention the record of his death, militate against the assertion that it was presented to the cathedral by that bishop.
2 Through the kindness of a friend who has inspected the MS. for us, we are enabled to say that the text is correct.
3 In assigning the date of the appointment of the bishops, this authority and the Bodleian MS. agree in substituting 905 for the 90i of William of Malmesbury.
4 "Eacluulfum ad ecclesiam Cridionensem, Insuper addideruut illi t res villas in Cornubia," ttc. — See Appendix No. VI.
10 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
" Cornubiensem" are employed. It is consequently im possible to conceive that the writer, if he meant the same thing, would, as it were in the same breath, have adopted such different orthographies. If it were not practicable to carry our objection further than we have done, we think we should have raised a case of strong suspicion as to the soundness of William of Malmesbury's statement respect ing the Cornish episcopate ; but we think we can yet place the matter beyond doubt.
On referring to the pages of Mr. Kenible's Codex Diplomatics, we shall find appended to a charter of King ^Ethelred, A.D. 988, the signature of " Sigeric," who describes himself as Bishop of the " Corruinensian Church "} No one, we presume, will dispute this being the see which Florence designates by the term " Corvi- nensis." We shall also find the bishop of this see sub scribing his name, by a similar description, to some other charters. That he is not the Cornish bishop, is placed beyond a doubt by a charter of King ^Ethelred, A.D. 993, relating to the Monastery of Abingdon in Berks ; for to this charter we shall find appended the signatures of the bishops of both those sees. They describe themselves respectively as the " Corruinensian" and the " Cornu- biensian" prelates ; and the former, as though sensible of the obscurity of his see, adds to his description, that his diocese was adjacent to the monastery to which the charter relates.2 There can be no doubt that it was the same as the Wilton or Wiltshire see. Mr. Kemble, we observe, places it at Ramsbury3 in Wiltshire. Now, it
1 " Ego Sigeric Corruinensis secclesiae episcopus sigillavi." — No. 665, Cod. Dip.
2 "Ego selfric coruinensis parrochie eps, q pfatu adiacet monasteriu, huic dono scam cruce impssi.— Ego sDldred, cornubiensis ecle eps, hoc decretu csentiendo laudavL" — No. 684, Cod. Dip.
3 Index of Places, vol. vi. Cod. Dip. voc " Coruinensis." See, too, Saxons in England" vol. ii. 262, by the same author.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 11
is well known that for several years this place was a bishop's see, which, it is said, was afterwards removed to Sherborne, and finally to Salisbury.1 It would, however, carry us too far from our subject to enter upon this investigation ; nor is it at all necessary. It is sufficient for our purpose, that we have clearly shown that Corvi nensis does not mean Cornwall, and that William of Malmesbury has erred in treating it as if it did. We are, therefore, compelled to reject the authority of this his torian for the supposed creation of the Cornish episcopate in the reign of King Eadward the elder, and for the appointment of ^Ethelstan as its first bishop, and to apply the statement to a different see; and with this interpreta-
1 \Ve may here note that " Corvinensis " is the same church as is just after wards called by Florence " Sunnungnensis." Let us see how that is. Having informed us that five bishops were appointed in West Saxony, to the Winchester, Corvinensian, Sherborne, Wells, and Crediton sees, he at the same time appends five lists of bishops, for the Winchester, Sunnungnensian, Sherborne, Wells, and Crediton sees. No one, comparing the two series, would, we should have thought, have hesitated for a moment in concluding that " Sunnungnensis" in one was the same as " Corvinensis " in the other ; especially as we find ^Ethelstan stands the first in its list of bishops. Yet so strangely has the great authority of William of Malmesbury for reading " Corvinensis " as " Comubiensis " pre vailed, and thrown the historic investigator on the wrong scent, that this obvious conclusion seems to have been entirely disregarded. That the names referred to do relate to the same thing, we can make still clearer. We shall find in the Codex. Dip. three signatures of the " Corruninensian " prelates, viz. : " Sigeric," A.D. 988— "^Elfric," A.D. 993—" Brihwald," A.D. 1023; and, if we refer to the Sunnungnensian list in Florence, we find the same three bishops in the same oi'der, "Sigericus," " Alfrieus," " Brihtwoldus " ; besides which, as we have already observed, ^Ethelstan is the first in the list, who, Florence tells us, was the first Corvineusian bishop. Florence also informs us that the Sunnungnensian see was afterwards joined to Sherborue, and finally established at Salisbury ; and the same has been said of the Raiusbury see. But this place is twenty miles from Abingdon. Sunningwell, Berks, if that be the place indicated by Sun nungnensian, is two miles only from Abingdon. William of Malmesbury (Z)e Gest. Pont. lib. ii.), referring to the appointment of five bishops in West Saxony, by Eadward, adds, "Not long afterwards, a sixth bishop was appointed in Ramesbury." Civssy, adopting the same statement, observes that Ethelstan was the name of the first bishop of Ramsbury (Cressy xxx. c. 6). The Suu- nengensian see was afterwards styled the Wilton or Wiltshire see ; but we refrain from any further investigation of this subject.
12 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
tion, we shall find that some inconsistencies, which have hitherto attached to the commonly received reading of the authorities referred to, will at once disappear.
Both the Bodleian MS. and the acccount in the archives of Canterbury, after enumerating the bishops appointed in West "Saxony, inform us immediately afterwards, that there were also conferred upon Eadulph, the Bishop of Crediton, three vills in Cornwall, viz. : Polltun, Ccelling, and Landuuithan, "that he might from thence visit the Cornish race to extirpate their errors ; for they had pre viously, to the utmost of their power, resisted the truth, and not obeyed the apostolic decrees/' : Now, it seems to us inconceivable, that after appointing a bishop of Cornwall, an endowment should have been conferred on the Bishop of Crediton, to enable him to do that which strictly fell within the duties of the Cornish prelate.2 But if we read "Corvinensem" as something different from Cornwall, it becomes very intelligible that the Devonshire bishop should have had the charge of that small portion of Cornwall, which was then subject to the Saxon govern ment. Again, as there is good reason to believe that nearly the whole of Cornwall was, at that time, still inde pendent, and was not subjected to the Saxon government until the following reign of King ^Ethelstan, it seems altogether a superfluous act to appoint a bishop for that county, at that early period. Indeed, so strongly was
1 " Eaduulfum ad ecclesiam Cridionensem. Tnsuper addiderunt illi tres villas in Cornubia, quorum nomina hsec sunt, Polltun, Ccelling, Landuuithan, ut inde singulis annis, visitaret gentera Cornubiensem, ad extirpandos eorum errores. Nam antea, in quantum potuerant, veritatiresistebant, et non decretis apostolicis obediebant. Sedetaliis,"&c. See Appendix No. VI. By some unaccountable freak of the printer or his myrmidon, this passage is quoted in Mr. D. Gilbert's History of Cornwall as poetry, being divided into lines of equal length, each commencing with a capital letter. He omits all reference to any authority, and the unknown poet was of course sought for in vain. — History of Cornwall, vol. iii. p. 416.
2 Mr. D. Gilbert observes that the reason assigned for the endowment of the Crediton bishop was "not very flattering to the see of Cornwall."
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 13
Dr. Whitakcr, in his Ancient Cathedral of Cornwall, im pressed with this objection, that, being unable to get over the authority of William of Malmesbury, he boldly conjectures that King Eadvvard's appointment of Bishop ^Ethelstan must have been a usurpation — an attempt to force a bishop upon the Cornish people against their will, and while, as yet, they were independent of the Saxon authority. We now see, however, that there is no need of resorting to this extreme supposition.1
We trust that we have now made it sufficiently evident that there are no valid grounds for supposing that the Cornish bishoprick was established in the reign of King Eadward the elder, in the manner stated, or that ^Ethelstan was its first prelate. We propose, therefore, to reject this personage from the list of its bishops.
We learn from William of Malmesbury that Lyving, Bishop of Crediton, had so much influence with King Cnut, as to unite under his own authority the bishop- ricks of Cornwall and Devon, on the decease of his uncle Brithwold, who was then Bishop of Cornwall.2 This testimony for Bishop Buruhwold is confirmed by the still earlier authority of Florence. We have likewise the ad ditional evidence of a charter of King Cnut, A.D. 1018, containing a grant of lands " to his most faithful Bishop Burhwold" and to Saint Gcrmanus? The signature of the bishop is subscribed to the document, and there can
1 Whitaker's Cathedral of Cornwall, vol. i. pp. 57, 58.
2 " Livingus ex monaclio Wintoniensi, Abbas Tavistokensis, et episcopus Cridiensis, maximre familiaritatis et potentice, apud Cnutonem regem habitus est. — Eo apud eum gratis processit, ut defuncto avunculo suo Brithwoldo, qui erat Cornubiensis episcopus, ambos arbitratu suo uuiret episcopatus." — William
of Malmesbury, De Oest. Pont. lib. ii.
3 " Ego Cnut, rex subthronizatus Angligenum, cuidam meo fidelissimo episcopo, qui noto vocitamine nuncupatur Burhwold, condono — et post obitum ejus, terrain Landerhtun, commendat pro anima ejus, et regis, saneto Germano in perpetuam libcrtatem." — No. 728, Cod. Dip. See Appendix No. III.
14 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
be no doubt that it relates to the Cornish see. It is upon these grounds that Buruhwold has been universally ad mitted into the list of Cornish bishops ; and he has been recognised as the last who occupied that see.
Neither Florence nor William of Malmesbury has furnished us with the names of any other Cornish prelate ; in fact the latter candidly acknowledges " that a regular series of the Cornish bishops he has no knowledge of, and does not undertake to set forth."1
The names of two others have, however, been ascer tained from ancient documents. There is a charter of Archbishop Dunstan, and other prelates, A.D. 966, among the signatures to which is the following : —
"I, ^thelstan, Bishop of Cornwall, have advised/'2
It is, we believe, the only authority for this bishop which is known to exist.
Another charter, containing a grant by King ^Ethelred, A.D. 994, makes express mention of " the bishoprick of Bishop Ealdred, that is in the province of Cornwall"* We likewise find the signature of Ealdred, as Bishop of Cornwall, in three other charters of the following dates : A.D. 993, 995, and 997. 4 The claim of this personage to be placed among the Cornish bishops is, therefore, beyond controversy.
We have now adduced all the evidences of ancient date which have enabled former writers on this subject to supply the names of the Cornish prelates. It will be seen that they furnish four only, viz. (placing them in
1 " Cornubiensium sane Pontificum succiduum ordinem nee scio nee appono." William of Malmesbury, De Gest. Pont. Ang. lib. ii.
2 " Ego JSthelstanus episcopus Cornubiensis consilium dedi." No. 528, Cod. Dip.
3 " episcopiurn Ealdredi episcopi id est in provincia Cornubise." —
No. 686, Cod. Dip. Appendix No. II.
4 Cod. Dip. Nos. 684, 688, 698. We believe it is to the publication of this work that this additional testimony for Bishop Ealdred is due.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 15
order of succession), yEthelstan I., ^Ethelstan II., Ealdred, and Buruliwold : the first, for the reasons stated, being inadmissible. Such other names as have been supplied, rest on the authority of writers in comparatively modern times, which we will now proceed to consider.
Of these the earliest is Leland, the well-known traveller and antiquary, who came into Cornwall in the time of King Henry VIII. He has left us, in his Itinerary, this note respecting St. Germans Priory, in Cornwall : —
" Beside the hye altare of the same Priory, on the right hand, ys a tumbe in the walle, with an image of a Bishop, and over the tumbe a XI Bishops paynted, with their names, and verses, as token of so many Bishoppes biried there, or that ther had beene so many Bishoppes of Cornwalle that had theyre seete theer."
The omission of Leland to record in his works the names of these eleven bishops, was occasioned, possibly, by the inscriptions being illegible. But we may well admit, that, could he fortunately have made them known to us, an infinity of trouble would have been saved to subsequent investigators ; and not a few sharp words would never have been penned.
In another work which this antiquary has left us, we find some brief notices, which, as they have an important bearing on our subject, we now extract : —
" From the charter of ^Ethelstan's donation."
" He raised one Conan to be bishop in the Church of Saint Germans."1
And somewhat farther on we have —
" There were successively eleven bishops in the Church of St. Germans."2
1 " Ex charta donat ^Ethelstani."
"Erexit in ecclesiam S. German! quendam Conanum episcopum anno D. 936 nonis Decembris." — Leland. Collectanea, torn. i. 75.
" " Fuerunt, successive undecim episcopi, in ecclesia S. Germani." — Hid.
16 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
If these two notices could be read in connection with each other, we should be justified in concluding their meaning to be, that King JEthelstan founded the Cornish episcopate, and that Conan was its first bishop ; but, inasmuch as they are not connected in the text, we can not be quite sure that such is their meaning, although such an assumption would carry with it a high degree of probability : at all events, it is evidence, whatever it may be worth, that Conan was a bishop of Cornwall ; and if we could be certain that Leland inspected the original charter of JEthelstan, it would be conclusive. No such charter is now known to exist ; it would there fore be more satisfactory if we could find some proof "confirmatory of this statement of Leland, who gathered his information many centuries after the event. On examining the Cod. Dip. we shall find, on several occa sions in the reign of King JGthelstan, the signature of a Bishop " Conan " : the earliest we have found being in a charter dated A.D. 930. The name is variously spelt : —as " Conan," " Cunan/' " Cimian," and once as " Caynan." l
As the see is nowhere specified in these signatures, we cannot be certain that they apply to a Cornish prelate ; but the dates very nearly correspond with those given by Leland.2
In support of this evidence we may remark, that we find
1 Cod. Dip. Nos. 352, 353 : " Ego Cunan epsc. c. et sbs." 364 : " Ego Conan episcopus consensi et subscripsi." 367, 1102, 1103, 1107, 1119, 1143 ; but the last document is not authentic. We think we may fairly take for granted that they all relate to the same person, though the orthography varies— a cir cumstance not unusual in those times.
2 Leland gives 926 for the date of the foundation of St. Petrockstowe ; but Dr. Whitaker observes, in his Cathedral of Cornwall (vol. i. p. 24), that Leland corrected the date, thus, 926. The Saxon Chronicle gives 926 as the year when Howel, King of the West Welsh, or Cornish, submitted to ^Ethelstan. Else where Leland gives 936 as the date of Conan's appointment. See before.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 17
no bishop of that name in the lists given by Florence, which is to our rnind a strong ground for believing that he was a Cornish bishop, the list for that see not being inserted in Florence ; and, as we have no knowledge of any earlier bishop in Cornwall, we may fairly presume that he was the first, the Saxon power over the entire county having been first established by King^Ethelstan. It will be observed, that Leland has stated that he saw, in the Priory Church of St. Germans, the names of eleven bishops ; it would be essential, therefore, that any list, purporting to be complete, should produce an equal number of names. Hitherto we have gleaned the names of four only ; but in this poverty of information, modern writers have not despaired, and we may learn, with some surprise, that, in 1601, Bishop Godwine, then subdean of Exeter, presented to the world a complete series of the Cornish prelates — indeed with one more than was required, for he gives twelve in all.1 The names are as follows : —
1. Athelstan; A.D. 905.
2. Conanus.
3. Ruydocus.
4. Aldredus.
5. Britwyn.
6. Athelstan ; he lived in the year 966.
7. Wolfi.
8. Woronus.
9. Wolocus.
10. Stidio.
11. Adelredus.
12. Burwoldus.
1 Leland says he saw the names of eleven bishops. Dr. Whitaker reads Leland's notes in the Collect, as if he meant that eleven bishops succeeded Conan. — Cath. of Cornwall, vol.ii. 194.
C
18 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
The author of this list fairly acknowledges that he derived his information " for the most part nevertheless out of Master John Hooker's Catalogue of tie Bishops of Exeter!'
Subsequent writers appear to have adopted this list, either in its integrity or with certain omissions, but no additions have been made to it, excepting that the Rev. Peter Heylin, Prebendary of Winchester, has placed at its head, " S. Patroc," with a note that "he lived circa an. 850";1 an anachronism which has justly drawn down upon him the sharp rebuke of Dr.Whitaker. The latter writer has scrutinized this list with his characteristic acumen and unsparing severity. He admits Nos. 1, 2, 6, 11, and 12, for the reasons we have submitted, although we must reject No. 1, whose appointment even Dr.Whitaker treats as a usurpation. As to all the others, he appears to be entirely sceptical ; and until there be some better evidence for them than the reference to " Master John Hooker s Catalogue" of which we believe nothing is known, we apprehend that most persons will agree in thinking that they are entitled to no serious consideration.
We ought here to notice that Dr. Whitaker, with a great display of learning, presents to us the names of several personages who, he contends, were bishops of Cornwall whilst it remained under British rule ; " un rolling to us," he says, " a record which has hitherto been almost as much unopened as the roll of destiny
1 Are we to understand by this name, St. Patrick, the Irish saint, who is said to have visited Cornwall in the fifth century; or St. Petrock, the Welsh saint, who visited this county, according to Leland, and died there, in the sixth cen tury? It should seem as if the name had been constructed as a kind of " mezzo termine" to suit either saint, as circumstances might demand. Nevertheless we do find " Petrochus" spelt sometimes " Patrochus "; and, if we could believe that Heylin's figures had been accidentally transposed from 508, the date would not be far wrong to suit the Cambrian saint.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 19
itself." He supposes the Cornish Britons to have had a bishop's see at St. Germans, which subsisted until the final subjugation of Cornwall under King ^Ethelstan. The Anglo-Saxon bishops, who succeeded from that time, were in his view, in continuation only of the British pre lates ; the Saxon episcopate being established in substi tution, as it were, of the existing see of British founda tion. This view is, however, purely conjectural, and un supported by any positive evidence ; nor is it necessary that we should here enter upon the consideration of it, as it does not strictly fall within the scope of this inquiry.
We believe we have now exhausted all the sources of information to which writers on this subject have had access ; and we perceive the scantiness of the result. Nor is it surprising that what the historian, who lived but shortly after the event, should have declared his in ability to furnish, other investigators, after the lapse of many centuries, should have failed to ascertain. In the state of uncertainty in which we have thus been left, with regard to the personages who occupied the Cornish see, it has happened within our own day, that a docu ment of great interest has been unexpectedly discovered, which has brought to our aid a considerable accession of information. This document, now placed in the British Museum,1 is an ancient copy of the Gospels, apparently of the Anglo-Saxon age. On its margins and vacant spaces there will be found registered, transactions pur porting, in most instances, to have taken place " at the altar of St. Petroclc" which, from some of the entries, appears to have been within a conventual minster, or church, and at or near to Bodmin. The obvious and almost certain conclusion is, that this " altar of Saint Petrock " must have been at the well-known monastery
1 Add. MS. 9381.
20 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
of that name, at Bodmin. The transactions thus re corded consist of the manumissions of serfs, which, for greater solemnity and notoriety, were usually made in a church or other public place.1 Indeed the most ordinary contracts of sale and purchase, or exchange, were re quired, by the Anglo-Saxon laws, to be made in the most open and notorious manner, in the presence of some ecclesiastical or civil functionary, or of several wit nesses. Serfdom, as it existed in this country and in other parts of Europe, during the medieval period, is a subject which remains involved in considerable obscu rity, notwithstanding that it has undergone the inves tigation of writers of the highest repute. We know, however, that the influences of the Church were at all times exerted in lightening the burdens and obtaining the freedom of the slave. The liberating of the sons of toil from the fetters of bondage, and such like merito rious acts, were, we may believe, enjoined by the clergy on their flocks, as works of piety well calculated to con ciliate the Divine favour, and to promote the salvation, either of him who performed them, or of the person to whose eternal welfare they were specially dedicated. Interesting as are these records of the emancipation of serfs at St. Petrock's, and which now for the first time have been brought to light, it is proper to observe that other similar records are known to exist ; and the con formity of the entries in the Bodmin book of the Gospels with such as have been found elsewhere, affords some proof of their genuineness. The practice of preserving a testimony of such acts of beneficence, and indeed of any
1 " Hip man hi/ mcen an piojrobe jrneolj" jejre," &c.
" If any one give freedom to his man at the altar," &c. — Laws of King Wih- trced, 8. Thorpe, vol. i.
" Qui servum suurn liberat in ecclesia vel mercato vel comitatu vel hundreto coram testibus et palam faciat," &c. — Leges R. Hen. 7., 78. Thorpe, vol. i.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 21
kind of events, in the pages of the sacred volume, appears to have prevailed in the Anglo-Saxon times ; and many " a family Bible " at this day will furnish evidence that a similar practice has not yet ceased to exist. It fortu nately happens that in these minutes of events at Saint Petrock's, mention is sometimes made of personages dis tinguished in history, who are stated to have borne a part in the transactions ; and we are thus furnished with a clue to ascertain the dates of those events. The names of no less than five Saxon monarchs appear in these re cords : King Eadmund, the immediate successor of King ^Ethelstan, who was the acknowledged conqueror of Cornwall, being found among the number ; and, what is still more unexpected and surprising, King Eadmund, as well as two others of the royal personages, are them selves among the persons conferring liberty on their slaves, and consequently present at St. Petrock's. There is, we believe, no other passage of history which furnishes authentic testimony of the presence of a Saxon sovereign in Cornwall, after it ceased to exist as an independent territory. But what it more immediately concerns us to know is, that we likewise find mentioned in these re cords the names of four bishops, namely, ^Etlielyeard, Comoere, Wulfsige, and Buruhwold, who, it will be no unreasonable presumption to suppose, must have been bishops of the Cornish diocese. The first three names are altogether new to us, and they will all become the subject of our investigation.
We may here observe, that the recent publication of the Anglo-Saxon Charters, under the very able editorship of Mr. Kemble,1 has also brought within our reach the means of pursuing the inquiry in a much more exact and
1 " Codex diplomaticus o?vi Saxonici opera Johannis M. Kemble." — Published by ihe Historical Society.
22 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
rigorous manner than was practicable before; and, at the same time, has furnished important aid in testing the accuracy and fixing the dates of these manumissions. The service which this publication has rendered to us in the previous investigation, will have been manifest ; but we acknowledge some disappointment that we have not succeeded in gathering from the Charters that confirma tory proof of the names of these new prelates which we anticipated. Considering the very great number of public and private documents contained in the collection — most of which are attested by a long array of witnesses, among whom the episcopal body are most conspicuous, and sometimes with the designation of their sees — it might have been expected that we should meet with the names of the three Cornish bishops now first brought to light. But we cannot say with absolute certainty that we can point them out; nevertheless this failure ought not to create surprise, for in fact, if any of these new names could have been distinguished with certainty in the Charters, that would have been done before the discovery of the St.Petrock record; and, even if the names of these new bishops had been entirely wanting in the numerous attestations of the Charters, that circumstance may have arisen from the remoteness of the Cornish see, which could give but few opportunities for its prelates to be present at the royal court.
We shall proceed, in the succeeding chapter, to sub mit the substance of this newly acquired evidence, ex plaining its nature, and applying it, so far as it is in our power, to the purposes of our inquiry.
CHAPTER II.
Evidence derived from the Manumissions recorded in the Bodmin book of the Gospels — Table comparing it with the evidence of the Charters — Bishops 2Ethcl[geard], Comoere, Wulfsige, in the time of Duke Ordgar — JEthelstan — Account of Duke Ordgar — The story of Eadgar and JElfry tha from Geoffrey Gaimar's Chronicle — Bishops jEthelred — Buruhwold, in the time of Duke -ZEthelvvserd, and Abbat Germanus — An account of this Duke and of the Abbat — These Bishops not Chorepiscopi, as supposed.
IN submitting the additional information to be derived from the Saint Petrock record, so as to exhibit it in its clearest and most intelligible light, we have thought it preferable to reduce it into a tabular form, placing, side by side, such comparative testimonies from the Charters, as may serve to confirm its correctness, or to elucidate its import. It will be necessary, at the same time, to intro duce the names of those bishops whose claims to be placed on the list have been already established. In pursuing this part of the subject, we shall have occasion to touch, incidentally, on some points of history which are not without interest, from their connection with per sons and things which will be brought under our review; and are also of importance, as furnishing additional proof of the genuineness and credibility of the Saint Petrock record. Indeed, in this respect, much of what we are now about to adduce might have been stated when we previously mentioned that document, but which, to avoid repetition, we have deferred to this chapter.
24
THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
Comparative Statement of the Evidences contained in the " Codex Petrociensis " and the " Codex Dipl."
|
SOVEREIGNS and YEARS. |
MANUMISSIONS. |
CHARTERS. |
||
|
Bishops named. |
Other Personages named. |
Bishops named. |
Other Personages named. |
|
|
A.D. |
||||
|
^Ithelstan, 925 |
||||
|
Abishop Conan |
||||
|
several times |
||||
|
named, but |
||||
|
without men |
||||
|
tion of his see. |
||||
|
Eadmund* 940 |
||||
|
Eadred, 946 |
||||
|
J3theL[geard]. |
||||
|
.Eadwig, 955 |
||||
|
Eadgar, 959 |
||||
|
Cemoere, |
||||
|
or |
||||
|
Comoere. |
A.D. |
|||
|
j-Ethelstan, 966 |
Ordgar, dux |
|||
|
Domnonise. |
||||
|
A.D. 966 |
||||
|
Eadward, 975 |
Wulsie . . . |
Ordgar dux. |
||
|
(Ethelred, 978 |
||||
|
Ealdred, 993-7 |
Grermanus.Kam . |
|||
|
Abb. A.D. 993 ' |
||||
|
^thelwerd |
^Ethelweard, |
|||
|
dux. |
occidentalium |
|||
|
Provinciarum |
||||
|
dux. A.D. 997 |
||||
|
Germanus, Ceo- |
||||
|
losigensis ec- |
||||
|
clesise Abbas. |
||||
|
A.D. 997. |
||||
|
JSthelred, 1001 |
||||
|
Eadmund, ") 1A1C Cnut, ] u |
||||
|
Buruhwold. . |
^thaelwserd |
Burhwold,1018 |
||
|
dux,Germanus |
||||
|
Harold •) lft R Barefoot, j X |
Abbas. |
|||
|
Harthacnut, 1039 |
||||
|
Eadward, 1042 |
||||
|
Harold, •) |
||||
|
Norman V 1066 Conquest, ) |
1 The Sovereigns whose names are in italics are mentioned in the Manu missions.
NAMES OF THE 1HSI1OPS. 25
To understand the contents of the preceding synopsis, it will be convenient to consider each bishop separately, in the order of the date.
The earliest name disclosed to us by the Saint Petrock record is that of Bishop yEthel[geard]. The entry in the Manumissions may be thus translated : —
"Wuenumon and her offspring, Moruith her sister, and her offspring, and Wurgustel, and his offspring, were freed here in the town, for King Eadryde, and for Bishop jEtheH\j/eard\ on the witness of the brotherhood, that here are in the town."1
In the first publication of the Manumissions, for which we are indebted to the late President of the Royal Society, Mr. Davies Gilbert, this name appeared as "^Ethelgar." In Mr. Kemble's Codex it is written, " ^Ethel[geard]." It is true that there was a Bishop ^Ethelgar, in the time of King Eadred, but he presided over the Crediton see. If this be the person named in the entry, we must sup pose, either that it was a casual visit of the Devonshire prelate, or that, as yet, the Cornish episcopate was not established, which would militate against any previous Bishop Conan.
On the other hand, we do not find, in the Codex, any such name as Bishop JEthel[geard] about the time of King Eadred. On referring to the MS., which, as we have stated, is now in the British Museum, it will be found that the last syllable of the name is obliterated, except that portions of the two first letters are visible. These may possibly be parts of the letters Mr. Kemble supposes ; at all events we defer to such excellent au-
1 " Wuenumon and hire team, Moruifc hire swuster and hire team, and Wur gustel and his team, warun gefreod her on tune, for Eadryde cynigc, and for jEthel***, biscop, an <5as hirydes gewitnesse $e her on tune syudun." — Cod. Dip. vol. iv. 312.
26 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
thority, and adopt his reading.1 For the reasons we have previously mentioned, the absence of this bishop's name in the Charters, is no ground for doubting the genuineness of the entry.
We now pass to the two bishops, Comoere, or Cemoere, and Wulfsige, or Wulsie, both contemporary with King Eadgar.
The first will be found named, on three occasions, in the Manumissions, twice spelt " Comoere," and once " Cemoere"; but this slight difference in the orthography is scarcely a sufficient ground for doubting that they re late to the same person. We give a translation of one of the entries, which fixes the reign.
" This is the name of the man whom Osferth freed, for the soul of King Eadgar, Gurheter, upon the altar of Saint Petrock ; before these witnesses — Comoere ', bishop; Agustinus, lector;2 Byrhsie, priest."3
We have not found this bishop's name in the Charters.
There are no less than eight entries in the St. Petrock record, in which Bishop Wulfsige, or Wulsie, is referred to. The "f" in the first syllable, and the "g" in the last, being sometimes wanting, which is often found to occur in the orthography of this name. Four of these entries refer to King Eadgar, and one to Duke Ordgar, and determine the date of his episcopacy. We give two of the entries.
" Wulfsie, bishop, freed JEdoc, daughter of Catgustel,
1 The name, as it now appears in the MS., seems to be "
2 Lectojx ir jisebejie J>e jiseb on Eobej- cyncan- -j bits J?septo jehabob f he bobije Irobej- pojab."
" Lector is the reader who reads in God's church, and is ordained for the purpose of preaching God's word." — Canons of JElfrict 12. Thorpe, vol. ii.
3 " Hoc est nomen illius hominis, quern liberauit OsferS, pro anima Eadgari regis, Gurheter, super altare sancti Petroci ; corarn istis testibus, Comoere, epis- copus, Agustinus, Lector, Byrhsie sacerdos." — Cod. Dip. vol. iv. 315.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 27
for his soul, and for Eadgar the king's, upon the altar of Saint Petrock."
" This is the name of the woman, Wencenethel, whom Duke Orel gar freed for his soul, upon the altar of Saint Petrock, before these witnesses — Wulfsige^ bishop ; Leumarh, presbyter; Grifiuth, presbyter; Morhaitho, deacon." x
We have already pointed out that it appears from a single entry found in the Charters, that there was a bishop of Cornwall, of the name of ^Ethelstan, A.D. 966, about the middle of the reign of King Eadgar ; we have, therefore, to determine to what portion of his reign we ought to assign Comoere and Wulfsige, consistently with that fact. A Bishop Wulfsige will be found named in the Charters, in great frequency, both before and after 966, but without mention of any see ; and it is possible that in some of these instances the Cornish prelate may be intended. The name itself is a very common one ; a remark which equally applies to ./Ethelstan, and renders it impossible to arrive at any conclusion whatever re specting the commencement and duration of his epis copacy, from anything which the Charters disclose : two bishops, and even three, of the name of ^Ethelstan, being sometimes found in the same document.2 A diversity of
1 " Wulfsio episcopus liberauit ^Edoc, fliam Catgustcl, pro anima sua, et Eaclgari regis, super nltare Saucti Petroci."
" Hoc est nomen illius mulicris, WenceneSel, quam liberauit Ordgar dux, pro anima sua, super altare Petroci sancti ; coram istis testibus/Wulfsige, episcopus; Leumarh, presbyter; Grifiuft, presbyter; MorhaiSo, diaconus." — Cod. Dip. vol. iv. 315, 310.
2 In one instance they are united by a curious formula —
" Nos tres uniformi proprio .^Elfstani appellative vocitamine episcopi consig- navimus. — Ego Byrhthelm geminique .ZEthelwoldi episcopi consensimus et con- scripsimus." — Cod. Dip. No. 584.
This entry confirms Mr. Kemble's opinion, that the signatories did not ac tually write their names. The three TEthelstans referred to, appear, from other entries, to have been the Bishops of London, Rochester, and Wilton ; the latter being the Corvinensian see of Florence, erroneously taken for Cornwall.
28 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL,
orthography adds to this uncertainty.1 In some instances the bishoprick is named, in others not ; we may, therefore, suppose it possible that when not named, the Bishop of Cornwall may be sometimes referred to. In the absence of any positive data to guide us, it seems to us we shall make a more even distribution by supposing JEthels tan's episcopacy to have intervened between those of the other two; and as Wulfsige's presidency appears, from the number of times he is mentioned in the Manumissions, to have been a long one, there will be a greater interval for him between ^Ethelstan and Ealdred than before ^Ethelstan. We propose, therefore, to adopt this order, though we must acknowledge that the grounds for so doing are but slight.2
It will have been observed, that in one of the extracts above quoted, in connection with Bishop Wulfsige, it is recorded that Duke Ordgar conferred freedom on his female serf, Wencenethel, at Saint Petrock's altar ; while the other extract proves this bishop to have been cotem- porary with King Eadgar. It seems to us that it would be superfluous fastidiousness to doubt that this Ordgar was the personage well known in history as the father- in-law of the King. He was the Duke, as it was termed in the Latin equivalent, but in Anglo-Saxon, the Eal- dorman or Eorl of Devonshire ;3 and his connection with that shire satisfactorily accounts for his presence at so
. 1 The name appears to be spelt " JEthelstan," or "^Elfstan," indifferently.
2 In the darkness which envelops the rejected portion of Bishop Godwine's list, the only gleam of light visible is, that next to this JEthelstan he places "Wolfi." Now, if we could suppose that the "/" had been inserted by mistake for "/" (these two letters in Anglo-Saxon being liable to this error), it would bring this entry into harmony with our own list.
3 Under the Anglo-Saxons, the government of the shire or county was en trusted to the " Eorl," in Latin " Dux," or " Comes," but in process of time his duties devolved on his deputy, that is, the shire-reeve, sheriff, or vice-comes, who exercises many of them at this day.
NAMES OF THE BTSHOPS. 29
distant a spot as the monastery of Saint Petrock in Corn wall. Ordgar is also known as the founder of Tavistock Abbey, and the father of Ordulph, distinguished by his gigantic stature and proportionate strength.1 But who has not heard the romantic tale of Eadgar and the fair ^Elfrytha? The fame of this lady's beauty had been every where circulated, and having reached the ears of the King, induced him to despatch his chosen friend ^Ethehvold, Duke of East Anglia,2 on a visit to /Elfrytha, that, if her appearance were such as rumour represented, he might make her his queen. The treachery of the con fidant; the deception he practised on his royal master, to secure the lady for himself; the subsequent discovery of his fraud ; the expiation of his guilt, by his death ; and, finally, the marriage of the King with Ordgar's daughter, are well known to every reader of English history. The
1 William of Malmesbury informs us, that they were both buried at Tavis tock. He describes this place in somewhat glowing terms : — " Est in Domnonia coonobium monachorum, juxta Tau fluvium, quod Tauistok vocatur ; quod per Ordgarum, comitem Domnoniensem, patrem Elfrid®, quae fuit uxor regis Ed- gari, surgendi exordium, pcrLivingum episcopum, crescendi accepit auspicium ; locus, amsenus opport imitate nemorum, captura copiosa piscium, Ecclesias con- gruente fabrica, fluvialibus rivis per oflicinas monachorum decurrentibus, qui suo inipetu effusi, quidquid invenerint superfluum, portant in exitum." The waters of the river conducted through the offices of the establishment serve to remind us of Mr. Beckford's account of the luxuries of the monastery of Alcobaga, in Spain. The fish, it seems, could have been added to make the parallel com plete. — William of Malmesbury recounts some amusing anecdotes concerning Ordulph, such as that when travelling with King Eadward, and reaching Exeter, they found the city gates fastened, and the porter absent ; upon which, Ordulph seizing the outside bar, with both hands, broke it in pieces, tearing down with it a portion of the wall. Then being somewhat heated and irritated by the effort (calefactus et secum infrendens), he made another attempt and burst open the gates with his foot. The King jocularly attributed the feat to diabolic aid. We are also told, that it was usual with him, when he sought diversion, to stand with one foot on either side of a river, ten feet wide, and with the seemingly insig nificant blows of a small knife, to strike off into the stream, the heads of such wild animals as were driven to him. — De Gest. Pont. lib. ii.
2 Florence of Worcester styles him " gloriosus dux orientalium Anglorum." An. 964.
30 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
incidents of this tale are portrayed with much minute ness, and some graphic colouring, in the Metrical Chro nicle of Geoffrey Gaimar, written in Norman French, about a century after the Conquest ; and as the scene is there laid in great part in Devonshire, and the story is intimately connected with the personages now under our consideration, we may be excused if we shortly advert to the rude lay of this minstrel historian : always bearing in mind that Gainiar's statements, when unconfirmed by other authorities, are not entitled to be received with all the confidence of authentic history.
He introduces Ordgar to us as a person of so great wealth, that from Exeter to Erome, there was not a town or city of which he was not the owner. His only child, " Alftrued,"1 is described as everywhere renowned for her surpassing beauty ; and, moreover, exercising great in fluence over her now aged parent. The lady's fame reaches King Eadgar, and excited by the representation of her personal charms, he reasons with himself, that he could make her his consort without being guilty of indiscretion, notwithstanding that she was only a baron's daughter. Her father, he says, was son to an earl, and her mother of gentle birth. Her ancestry would admit of his being allied to her without disgrace. Calling to him "Edil- wolt," who is described as very dear to him, Eadgar unbosoms himself to his friend and counsellor ; informs him of his purpose, and, relying on his integrity, com missions him to visit the lady, and to ascertain if her beauty justified the common report.
" « Edilwolt frere ' dit li rei, e Jo te direi de mon secrei, Jo aim Estrueth, la fille Orgar ; A tote gent 1'ai oi si loer,
1 "Nul altre enfant n'en ert remes." As Ordgar was father of Ordulph, we must understand Gaimar to mean that he had no other child by her mother.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 31
* Et do bcalte* si preiscr, Fairo en voldreie ma mulher, Si tel estait, ct jol scuse, Et de sa bealte a sur fusse, Pur co ti pri, va la veer : Ko k'cn dirras, tendrai pur vair. Jo te crci rault, fai mun afairc, No scjurner, mcs tost rcpaire.' "
^Ethelwold sets out on his mission, and tarries not until he reaches Ordgar's mansion, in Devonshire, where he finds the lady and her sire engaged in playing at chess : a game which Ordgar is said to have learnt from the Danes.1 The personal attractions of the lady are then dwelt upon, and fascinated by their influence, ^Ethelwold forms the traitorous resolve of reporting her to the King, as a person of ordinary appearance. Three years elapse, when ./Ethelwold, presenting himself to his sovereign, at a time when he was holding a great National Council, entreats his permission to make Ordgar's daugh ter his bride. Falling on his knees before his master, he represents the lady in an unfavourable light, and as one unworthy of the royal notice, although suitable to a per son of his own degree. The courtiers, who are in his interest, second his request. His prayer is granted, and the King, presenting him with a ring, the other swears fealty to his sovereign master, and, as the Chronicle ob serves, perjures himself on the spot. His marriage with /Elfrytha then follows. It happened, not long after wards, that, at a banquet, the King again hears ./Elfrytha's beauty and mental endowments universally extolled ; and the conversation runs, that, had she been single, she would have been worthy to be made queen. Eadgar's suspicion is excited, and he is convinced within himself that yEthelwold has betrayed him.
1 We do not know if this account of the introduction of Chess into England is accepted by those who have written the history of tliis game.
32 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
Upon this the King plans an excursion into Devonshire, under the pretence of hunting deer. The lady is residing at a mansion near the woods, where the King purposed to enjoy the pleasures of the chase.1 To this mansion the King repairs at nightfall, when the fatigues of the day are over. He inquires for the lady and her sire, and is ushered into "the soler," or upper room, where, in the midst of a numerous bevy of dames and damsels, he at once recognises ^Elfrytha by her superior beauty. A banquet follows ; golden goblets and buffalos' horns flow with wine; the "wassail" cup goes round, and the evening is spent in joyous festivity.
That night, as the King lies at rest, his thoughts are on ^Elfrytha, whose equal he had never seen. His heart tells him, that without her he should die, and he gives way to evil imaginings. After a few days he leaves, and ^Elfrytha seems to have been made aware of the King's partiality. A royal court is shortly afterwards held at Salisbury, and the great barons are summoned to attend. ^Ethelwold is among their number, and the King sends him to York on public business ; and "Dom Edelwold" departs. In no long time, intelligence arrives of his having been waylaid and slain.2
JElfrytha's presence at the royal court is now required by Eadgar, and she hastens to repair to it. The monarch is stated to be in Gloucestershire, and with him the
1 The red deer have scarcely yet disappeared from the wild tracts of Exmoor, in the north of Devon.
2 This account of .ZEthel wold's death does not agree with William of Malmes- bury's, who tells us that the King, on discovering his treachery, sent for him into a wood at Warewelle, called Harewood, under pretence of hunting, and slew him on the spot. The name has given occasion to the assertion that ^Ifrytha's residence was Harewood, in Cornwall, a beautiful spot in one of the reaches of the Tamar ; but William of Malmesbury says expressly it was at Warewelle, which is well known to be Whorwell, Hants, where ^Elfrytha afterwards founded a monastery.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 33
Welsh kings and many a knight. ^Elfrytha is attended at court by a train of nobles ; the barons of Somerset, of Devon, and Dorset, and the earls of Cornwall,1 accom pany her. The Chronicle has not omitted to inform us, even of the lady's costume, the mysteries of which we shall not venture to unravel, but submit the original passage, that the reader may learn how a Devonshire lady composed her toilet in the year of Grace 965 : —
" Ke dirraie de son conrei ? Un anelet out en son del, Ki plus valeit, tut singlement Ke ne fireint li vestement. Une chape out de neire suale, Ki li trainat en la sale. De suz aveit un mantelet, Dedanz de gris, defers d'owet. De altre tel paille ert son blialt : Trop ert bele de co ki chald."
The result may be anticipated; ^Elfrytha became Eadgar's Queen, and her fortunes for ever associated with the history of the Anglo-Saxon monarchs. But on the memory of this Devonshire beauty there rests a dark shadow. Her name has descended to us in the page of history, stained with the suspicion of crime. On the decease of her royal consort, the crown was placed, in opposition to her wishes, on the head of her stepson Eadward ; and scarcely three years did he wield the scepter, before his reign was suddenly cut short. As he sat on horseback at ^Elfrytha's door, partaking of her proffered hospitality, he received a mortal blow from an unseen hand; and, presently afterwards, ^Elfrytha's youth ful son ^Ethelred ascended the vacant throne. The feeble and troubled reign of this prince was thought to indicate
1 This must have been a poetical flourish of Gaimar's. There could hardly have been more than one Eorl of Cornwall : Gaimar, as a Norman, was pro bably not very well informed upon points of Anglo-Saxon civil government.
D
34 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
the divine displeasure ; and at his death the scepter of his kingdom may be said, for a while, to have departed from his house. It is told of JElfrytha, that, conscience- stricken and penitent, she founded the nunnery at Whor- well, and voluntarily submitted herself to various kinds of penance.
The date of the King's marriage with JElfrytha is preserved to us in the following passage of the Saxon Chronicle : —
" An. 965. In this year King Eadgar took ^Elfythe for his Queen; she was Ordgar's daughter the Ealdorman's."1
According to Gaimar, it must have been about four years antecedently to the marriage that ^Ethelwold had the first interview with Ordgar ; we have not, however, been able to find the name of Duke Ordgar in the Char ters, until the year A.D. 964 ; after which period it will be often found to occur. That it relates to the personage under consideration is clear, from a Charter of King Eadgar, dated A.D. 966, in which he describes himself, thus : —
" I, Ordgar, Duke of Domnonia, have signed/'2 — "Domnonia" being the Latin name then used to signify the county of Devon.3 In Eadgar 's Charters we first find the signature of his Queen J^lfrytha in 966, after which it occurs very frequently. The signatures of Duke Ordgar may be traced in the Codex down to the year 970, after which the name altogether disappears, except that it is found once again in a Charter, A.D. 978 ; but as the Charter professes to be King Eadgar's, who died three years before, the authority of this document is
1 "-An. DCCCCLXV. ftej^ on pijyum £ea^e Gab^aja cyninj ^enam him tro cpene. heo pee]" (D/ibsa/ie)" bohtoji Balbojiniannq-."
2 "Ego Ordgarus dux Domnoniae consignavi." — Cod, Dip., No. 520.
3 - " in Domnonia, quse Devenescire dicitur, et in Cornubia, qu» nunc Cornuguallia dicitur." — William of Malrnesbury, Gest. Reg. lib. i. cap. 6.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 35
evidently not trustworthy. Gaimar represents the duke to be a very old person, when first visited by ./Ethelwold, and, according to Florence of Worcester, he died about A.D. 971 ; and he adds, that he was buried at Exeter.1 If we are correct in placing Wulfsie's episcopacy after ^Ethelstan's, Ordgar's manumission of Wencenethel, at St.Petrock's,must have taken place between the years 966 and 971 ; and Wulfsie's manumission of ^Edoc, between the years 966 and 975 — the end of Eadgar's reign.
We have already mentioned, that the Charters disclose to us that there was a Bishop of Cornwall of the name of Ealdred, at the period of A.D. 99 3-7. 2 In a Charter of King ^Ethelred, dated 1001, we shall also find the fol lowing signature : —
" I, yEthelred, bishop of the Cornish Church/'3
There is often exercised so much latitude in the or thography of Anglo-Saxon proper names, that we are not satisfied that this signature does not belong to Ealdred. In the absence, however, of any proof of this fact, we feel it incumbent to treat it as belonging to a distinct personage.
We now come to the episcopacy of Bishop Buruhwold, usually considered the last on the list. We have testi mony of this prelate, both in the Manumissions and the Charters. In the former, we find it thus recorded : —
" And afterwards came Duke JEthaelwserd to the monastery of Saint Petrock, and freed her (^Elfgyth), for his soul, upon the altar of Saint Petrock, before these
1 " DCCCCLXXI. Clito Eadumndus, regis Eadgari filius, obiit et in Monas- terio Kumcsige honorifice est scpultus. Eodem anno Alfeagus, Suthantuneusiuru dux, obiit et Glastonia? tumulatus est. Non multo post Ordgarus, dux Doin- nanicc, socer Regis Eadgari, decessit et in Exanceastre sepultus est." — Floreii. Wig. Chron. William of Malrnesbury states Tamstock to be the place of his sepulture.
2 See page 14.
3 " Ego wEthclred Cornubicnsis cecclesise episcopus. — "No 70G.
36 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
witnesses — 'Buruhwold, bishop ; Germanus, abbat ; Titt- herd, presbiter," &c. [Here follow other names.]1
We have already shown that there was a Bishop of Cornwall of the name of Burhwold, A.D. 1018; and we have referred to the Charter of King Cnut, by which lands were granted to him.2 The Codex will not, how ever, throw any additional light on this prelate. It is true, this name will be often found among the signatures of the bishops about that period; but, as it is known that there were then several contemporaries of the name, we have no assurance that any of these entries relate to the Bishop of Cornwall.
But how are we to be sure that Bishop Buruhwold, of the Manumissions, is identical with Burhwold, named in King Cnut's Charter ? This fact is placed beyond doubt by the circumstance, that the manumission which the bishop witnessed, was the act of Duke ^Ethselwaerd, and was witnessed also by Abbat Germanus ; while, in an other entry, we find the same duke witnessing a similar act of King .^Ethelrsed.
" This is the name of the man, Iliuth, with his off spring, whom King ^Ethelraed freed upon the altar of Saint Petrock before these witnesses — ^Ethelwerd, Duke, witness ; Osolf, prepositus, witness," &c. [Here follow other names.]3
1 Et postea venit JEthaelwserd dux, ad monasterium Sancti Petroci, et liberauit earn pro anirna sua, super altare Sancti Petroci ; coram istis testibus videntibus ; Burufavold, lisceop ; Germanus, abbas; Tittherd, presbyter," &c. — Cod. Dip. vol. iv. 311.
This entry, of which a portion only is here given, is one of great interest ; the scene is first laid at "Lyscerruyt" [Liskeard], and it introduces to us not only Duke JEtkelwcerd, but the Lady ^Ethcelfleed, his countess, who first liberates the slave, " super cymbalum Sancti Petroci." Was not this the " banner" of Saint Petrock ? But the subject demands a separate consideration,
2 See page 13.
3 "Hoc est nomen illius hommis,Iliu$,cum semine suo, quern liberauit JEthel- rjed rex, super altare Sancti [Petroci] ; coram istis testibus : JEthelwerd dux,
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 37
As this King died but two years before the date of Cnut's Charter, and Duke ^Ethelweard appears from the Manumissions to be contemporary both with him and a Bishop Buruhwold, we may well presume that this is the same prelate as is mentioned in the Charter of King Cnut.
In further confirmation of this fact, we have to observe, that the names both of the Duke and of Abbat Germanus are found in the Codex, contemporaneously with Bishop Burhwold. It is clear that this prelate occupied his see in the year 1018. Now, both in that year, and for several years previously to it, we shall find the signatures of a Duke ./Ethel wear d occurring in the Charters. That he is the personage we are in search of, we may be assured by the description he gives of himself in a Charter of King ^Ethelred, A.D. 997.1
" I, ^Ethelweard, Duke of the western provinces."
The scribe who prepared this document, has adopted a similar style for the other dukes who signed it. Thus we have the Duke of the Northumbrian provinces, also of the provinces of the Wiccii, &c. To the same Charter there is likewise affixed the signature of " Germanus/' described as " Abbat of the church of Cholsey." No reasonable doubt can be entertained that by the " western provinces," either Cornwall alone, or Cornwall arid Devon2 together, were intended ; and we may, therefore, conclude, with the greatest probability, that this Duke /Ethel weard is identical with the one named in the Saint Petrock Record.3
testis ; Osolf, prepositus, testis ; Mermen, presbyter ; Riol, presbyter ; Eet, cleri- cus; Lecem, clericus ; Blefcros, clericus." — Cod.Dip.loL iv. 310.
1 "Ego jEtlielweard occidentalium Provinciarum dux. Ego Leofwine Wic- ciarum Proviiiciaruna dux," &c. — Cod. Dip. No. 698.
2 See note next page.
3 There is preserved, at Exeter, a charter of King Eadward, A.D. 977, con taining a grant of lands to Duke ^Ethelweard, which \ve shall possibly advert to in the Appendix.
38 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
But who was this duke, and can anything be gathered from history respecting him ? We will proceed to answer these questions. We have observed, that his name is found in King Cnut's Charter of 1018, and in others of previous date. The earliest in which we have been able to trace it, is one of A.D. 967. After which time it occurs, with more or less frequency, down to 997 ; in which year, as we have already noticed, this personage describes himself as "Duke of the western provinces." From this date there is an interval, in which the signature is wanting, until Cnut's Charter of 1018, in which it appears for the last time. The period between 967 and 1018 is fifty-one years; and, although very long, is, nevertheless, not so long as to be incompatible with the supposition that all the entries may belong to one person.1
On turning to the pages of the Saxon Chronicle, we shall find, under the date of A.D. 994 — at which time the Danes were making great ravages in many parts of Eng land — that King ^Ethelred had recourse to the unwise expedient of purchasing the forbearance of those formi dable enemies, by the payment of a large sum of money ; and we are told that the King sent Bishop ^Elfeah, and jBMkelweatd the Ealdorman? after Anlaf, the Danish
1 If Duke JEthelweard of 967 was the same person as the duke of 1018, he could not have been Eorl of Devon, for JEthelmar was the Devonshire eorl A.D. 1013. — See Appendix No. VII., for the Eorls of Devon. Another objection to his being Eorl of Devon arises from the death of Eorl Ordgar, being assigned by Florence to the year 971. But, should we reject the Charter of 967, we shall not find Duke -ZEthelweard again mentioned until a Charter of A.D. 977 (No. 611), which is after Ordgar's death. This would also reduce the supposed period of yEthelweard's dukedom to forty-one years instead of fifty-one. It is some what remarkable that we nowhere find any express mention made of an Eorl of Cornwall antecedently to the Conquest. Unless this Duke JEthelweard were one, we dp not know where to point out any such personage.
2 " Da j~enbe j~e cymnje cefcej\ Xnlajre cynje, -SSlpeah b. and JEfcelpeajxb
&c. — Sax. Chron.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 39
leader ; and that they brought him to the King at Ando- ver ; and " Anlaf made a covenant with him, which he fulfilled, that he would never again come hostilely to the English nation."
Again, in the same authority, under the date of 1020, we have the following entry : — "At Easter there was a great Gemot at Cirencester. Then was outlawed ^Ethel- weard the Ealdorman, and Eadwig, King of the Churls."1
The proximity of the dates makes it not improbable that these two passages of the Chronicle apply to the same person; and if so, they may be fairly taken as equally applying to the Duke /Ethelweard named in the Charters and the Manumissions ; and they consequently throw some light on that personage. Associated with ^Elfeah, Bishop of Winchester, he was intrusted by his Sovereign with the important duty of effecting an inter view between him and the Danish King, who was then with his fleet at Southampton. To ensure the safety of Anlaf, hostages were delivered to the ships. The meet ing took place at Andover, and the treaty was con cluded, by which a stop was put to those horrid devas tations which caused the chronicler to observe of the Danes, in the same passage, that "they wrought the utmost evil that ever any army could do, by burning and plundering, and by manslaying ; both by the sea- coast, and among the East Saxons, and in the land of Kent, and in Sussex, and in Hampshire ; and at last they took to themselves horses, and rode as far as they would ; and continued doing unspeakable evil." We may be certain, from yEthehveard having been selected by the King, on this important occasion, that he must have been
j?a on Gannon pcej mycel jemot: oct nynms-ceaytne : £a ^eutla- n ./Efcelpeanb ealdonraan, and Ga^pis ceonla cyn^c." — Sax. Chron.
40 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
a person distinguished by his ability and discretion, no less than by his elevated rank. But, notwithstanding this confidence placed in him by his sovereign, we see that about twenty-six years afterwards, this nobleman was, by the Saxon Parliament, solemnly adjudged an outlaw. In this interval a great revolution had been effected. The feeble and distracted reign of ^Ethelred, the son of ^Elfrytha, had been brought to a close by his death ; and the Danish usurper Cnut was now on the throne. What the offence of ^Ethelweard was, which occasioned his outlawry, we are nowhere informed; it is remarkable, however, that in the Saxon Chronicle he is coupled in the same sentence with Eadwig, who is described as "King of the Churls," which makes it probable that their offences were of the same character. The strange term, "ceopla cynjc," "King of the Churls," or, as Florence calls him, " rex rusticorum," has not been explained to us. It should seem, from the appellation, that this Eadwig was a sort of Wat Tyler of that day ; and that the populace * had manifested their repugnance towards the Danish intruder, by setting up this person in opposition to him. Three years previously, this same Eadwig had been commanded by King Cnut to be put to death.2 Florence, however, informs us, that he after wards made his peace with the King; which seems to account for the capital punishment being mitigated to
1 " The Churls " of the Anglo-Saxons could not strictly have been the lowest orders of the people ; for these must have been in a state of serfdom, whilst the churls were freemen. The term seems to have included all the population, which was neither noble nor enslaved. In this view, Eadwig' s supporters ap proached rather to what we now call the middle class, so far as we can imagine such a class to have existed in the Anglo-Saxon times. If we adopt Florence's version of "rustici," they would seem to mean the smaller landowners. — See Mr. Kemble's valuable note, Sax. in Eng. vol. ii. p. 234.
2 A. 1017. "Snb Enur cyninj aplymbe ut Gabpij sefcelins, anb eft hine her ojrjlean, anb Gabpi ceojila kyninj." — Sax. Chron.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 41
that of outlawry and banishment.1 The Danish Monarch, although supported by a strong English party, did not obtain the crown without encountering a powerful oppo sition ; and the sentences of death and banishment which were passed on several great personages, mark the ex treme measures the King thought fit to resort to, either to add to his security, or to gratify his revenge. We can hardly doubt, therefore, that ^Ethelweard's crime, what ever it was, had connection with the political disturbances of the time. It is to be remarked, that we do not find his name in the Charters after the year 1018, and that the sentence of outlawry was passed in 1020. The last signature is in a royal charter; it is, therefore, certain that at that time he had not incurred the displeasure of his Sovereign.
We must not omit to mention, that about the period now under our consideration, was written the well-known Chronicle which bears the name of "jfithelweard" The author of it is thought to be the "Ealdorman ^Ethel- weard," to whom the learned Bishop ^Elfric addressed some of his translations from the Old Testament, and other works. In the Preface to his Chronicle he describes himself as of royal lineage, being the great-great-grand son of King JEthelred, the brother of King Alfred.2 It is by no means impossible that this writer may be the identical ^Ethelweard to whom our attention has been directed ; and in this case we might conceive that his re lationship to the excluded family had induced the Danish Monarch to send him into exile.
1 " ffnb pe beobaft -f pifce/ifacan ~j utlajan Irobej- •} manna oj: eanbe jepi- ran. buton hij jebujan -j }>e ^eonnoji jebetran." — Enure]" Domaf.
"And we command that adversaries and outlaws of God and men retire from the country, unless they submit and the more earnestly amend." — Thorpe's Ancient Laws, <$'c.t vol. i. 378.
2 See Preface to Hon. Hist. Brit. p. 83.
42 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
Among the persons who witnessed Duke ./Ethelweard's act of manumission, at Saint Petrock, there was "Abbat Germanus," whose name, as we have already noticed, is found in the Charter of A.D. 997, wherein he is described as "Abbat of Cholsey." : Both before and after that date, down so late as the year 1019, we shall find this name in other charters ; but in the earlier one of 993,2 it should seem to apply to the Abbat of Ramsay. We cannot be sure which of these is the one referred to in the Saint Petrock record ; but as the Abbat of Cholsey approaches nearest, in point of date, to the time of Bishop Buruhwold, we give the preference to this dignitary.
From the evidences which we have submitted, it is pretty certain that the visit of ^Ethelweard to the monas tery of Saint Petrock, in the time of Bishop Buruhwold, a record of which has been preserved in the Bodmin Book of the Gospels, must have taken place some time between the years 1001 and 1020. It is impossible to fix the date more precisely, unless we could ascertain the exact time of Buruhwold's appointment to his see, which we have no means of doing.
It is interesting to find that incidents, such as those recorded at Saint Petrock's, however trivial in themselves, supply us with means whereby a part of the country so remote, and so little frequented, as we may suppose that monastery to have been, can be brought into immediate connection with personages of the highest rank and dis tinction in the Anglo-Saxon times. It is a result we were little prepared for ; and, but for the unexpected discovery of this ancient record, would never have come to our knowledge. It is evident that the intercourse then main-
1 " Ego G-ermanus Ceolesigensis secclesise abbas."-Cod. Dip. No. 698. Cholsey is near Wallingford, in Berks.
2 "Ego Gennanus ram abb." — No. 684,
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 43
tairied between distant parts of the country, must have been more frequent than the defective means of inter communication existing at that time, would give us reason to suppose. In that early age, possibly, the calls of business were not so engrossing, nor the opportunities of intellectual pursuits so numerous, as not to leave ample leisure, even to royalty, for ordinary amusements; among which travelling may have held the first place. The reign of Eadgar was distinguished for its tranquillity, which won for him the epithet of "peaceful"; and he is represented to us as employing much of his time in jour neying through his dominions. He is even said to have made a circuit of the island, by water, once a year. This King, it appears, was a visitor at Saint Petrock's ; for we learn from the records, that he emancipated a serf at the altar of the saint.1 It would have been gratifying to our curiosity to know on what occasion this happened. Although we may be disinclined to give credit to all that has been told us of the marriage of that monarch with the fair /Elfrytha, we cannot doubt the truth of the prin cipal facts. May we not then believe that it was during some visit of the King to the mansion of that lady's sire, that he was led by curiosity, or piety, to make this pil grimage to the shrine of Saint Petrock, and to consecrate the event by the act of beneficence which we there find recorded? We do not know in what part of Devonshire Ordgar's mansion lay ; but we know that the Abbey of Tavistock was founded by him, and there too, it has
1 "Hoc est nomen illius [mulieris] Anaguiftl, quern Eadgar rex liberauit, pro anima sua, super altare Sancti Petroci; coram istis testibus videntibus; Wulfsige presbyter, et Grifiuft presbyter, et Conredei diaconus, et Byrehtsige clericus, Selie laicos." — Cod. Dip. vol. iv. 312.
" This is the name of the woman Anaguiftl, whom King Eadgar freed for his soul, upon the altar of Saint Petrock, before these witnesses : — Wulfsige, pres byter ; and Grifiuth, presbyter ; and Conredei, deacon j and Byrehtsige, clerk ; Selie, layman."
44 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
been said, Ordgar was interred. This spot is sufficiently near to have permitted from it a visit to Saint Petrock's, and a return, within the limits of a summer day.
From the preceding pages it will be seen, that of the four bishops, whose names are disclosed to us by the records in the Bodmin Book of the Gospels, one only, Bishop Buruhwold, can be verified from other sources of information. It has consequently been suggested by Dr. Oliver, in his valuable Monasticon Dioecesis Exo- niensis, that they may have been bishops of other dioceses — which it would be difficult to believe, but on very strong grounds — or else, that they were what are called " Chorepiscopi," that is, a sort of deputy bishops, who were at that time occasionally appointed in the Church. But inasmuch as one of the four can be recog nised as a regular bishop, it would be illogical to suppose that the other three were not of the same character ; nor should we think that they would have been styled Bishops, had they been Chorepiscopi only. One of them,Wulfsie, is himself, in several instances, the person manumitting. Now, if the serfs thus receiving freedom were, as there is reason to suppose, "adscripti gleba" he must have been exercising the right of a landowner, and most probably, in respect of the lands connected with the episcopate. But we hardly see how a mere Chorepiscopus could be in a situation to exercise such a right. The remoteness of the county of Cornwall must have been a material obstacle to its bishops giving their attendance at Court ; and the absence of their names in royal charters — more especially as it is most apparent at the earlier period of the episcopate — does not seem so remarkable a circum stance as to create a doubt of these personages being regular bishops.
CHAPTER III.
Buruhwold not the last of the Cornish Bishops, as usually stated — Lyving and Leofrick to be considered Bishops of this see — An account of Bishop Lyving and of Bishop Leofrick — His Charter or Will — Termination of the Cornish See, A.D. 1050 — List of the Cornish Bishops, with the authorities — The Crediton Bishops — List of them compiled from the Charters — Observations thereon.
IT has been usual to consider Buruhwold as the last prelate who presided over the Cornish episcopate, ante cedently to its final extinction ; but on this point we ap prehend there has been some misconception.1 We have already cited 2 the passage of William of Malmesbury, in which he says, that Lyving, Bishop of Crediton, was on terms of the greatest intimacy and influence with King Cnut, and acquired so much favour with him, that on the decease of his uncle Brithwold, who was then Bishop of Cornwall, he united both bishopricks under his own authority. Now, the consolidation of the two dioceses, and the creation of a new episcopate, with its see at Exeter, was effected by a charter of King Ead- ward the Confessor, A.D. 1050, to be noticed hereafter; and Leofrick, and not Lyving, was the person to whom the new bishoprick was intrusted. Indeed, Lyving died, as appears by the Saxon CJironicle, A.D. 1047,3 three
1 See Appendix No. IX. The inquisition, mentioned hereafter, refers to him as the last bishop. 2 See page 13.
3 The MSS. vary, and the year is differently stated in them, as 1044, 1046, and 1047 ; but his name will be found subscribed to a charter, A.D. 1045 (No. 781) ; also in a charter (No. 1334), as "Lyfing, bisceop be norfcan." It is not dated, but Mr. Kemble has affixed the date of 1046. The Bodleian MS. assigns the date of 1046 to the appointment of Leofrick, his successor in the see. Florence of Worcester also places his death in 1046.
46 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
years before this event took place ; and it has conse quently been assumed that his uncle Buruhwold, on whose death this supposed union in his favour was to be effected, outlived him, and thus disappointed his ex pectation of enjoying the Cornish in addition to the Devon bishoprick.1 It appears to us that this view of the matter is altogether erroneous, inasmuch as it com pels us to put a forced construction on the passage of William of Malmesbury, who speaks of the transaction as something which actually took place, and not as a contemplated arrangement, which circumstances pre vented being carried into effect. We think the error has arisen from the confounding of two things entirely different : namely, the union of both bishopricks in the person of one bishop, and the consolidation of those bishopricks into one new episcopate. In the former case, both bishopricks would remain separate and dis tinct, though held by one prelate ; in the latter, they would cease to exist, a new diocese, comprising the other two, being substituted in their place. Now, we appre hend that, in the former sense, Lyving, who, besides being Bishop of Crediton, also held the see of Worcester, was actually appointed to and possessed the Cornish prelacy, in strict accordance with the statement of William of Malmesbury, and that he enjoyed it until his death — the Cornish see, as an independent episcopate, not being extinguished until some years afterwards. With this con struction, not only is the literal accuracy of this author vindicated, but the corresponding statements of Florence of Worcester and the Saxon CJtronide, instead of being subjected to violence, are made strictly intelligible in their plain and obvious sense.
1 Whitaker's Cathedral of Cornwall, vol. ii. p. 218.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 47
Thus the former authority informs us, under the date of A.D. 1046, that—
"Living,Bishop of the Wiccii (Worcester), of Domnania (Devonshire), and of Cornwall, died on Sunday, the 10th of the calends of April ; presently after whose decease the presidency of Crediton and Cornwall was given to the King's Chancellor, Leofrick, a Breton ; and ^Eldred, who was first a Monk of Winchester, and afterwards Abbat of Tavistock, undertook the pontificate of the Wiccii/'1
Again, in the list which Florence gives us of the Credi ton bishops, he adds this memorandum of Lyving : —
" That, on the death of his uncle Brithwold, he united, by permission of King Eadward, the Cornish to the Devon episcopacy."'
The Saxon Chronicle is still more explicit. Under the date of 1047 it is stated, that in that year died Lyfing, whom the Chronicle styles the " wordsnotera," that is, the "word wise," or eloquent bishop, on the 10th of the calends of April. The Chronicle adds —
" He had three bishopricks : one in Devonshire, and in Cornwall, and in Worcester. Then Leofrick succeeded to Devonshire and Cornwall, and Bishop Aldred to Worcester."3
We have no more reason to conclude, from the language of these authorities, that the Cornish episcopate had been
1 " MXLVI. Clemens papa CXLIII. Livingus "VViceiorum Domnania) et Cor- nubise presul deciino cal. Aprilis die Dominica obiit. Cujus post decessum regis cancellai'io Leofrico, Britouieo, mox Cridiatunensis, et Cornubiensis datus est pra3sulatus; et Aldredus, qui primo monachal Wiutoniensis, post abbas Tavistokensis, extitit, Wicciorum poutificatum suscepit." — Flor. Wig.
2 " Hie defuncto Brihtwaldo, suo avunculo, Cornubieusem proesulatum, rege Eadwardo permittente, Domnauieusi coadunavit episcopatui." — Flor. Wig. Append.
3 " An. MXLVII. Jieji jron^jrej^be Lypnj fe popbpiotepa b. -x- Kl. ffpji. anb be licef'Oe -in- b.-pice, an on Depena-fcijie, an on Eonnpalon, an on pijnaceytrjie. Da penj Leojrpic to Dejrena-jdjie anb Co JCopnpalon, aub Srojieb b. to pyjpacej"cnc." — Sax. Chron,
48 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
then extinguished by being incorporated with Devon into one diocese, than to suppose that the diocese of Wor cester had, in like manner, been incorporated with the other two.
Upon these grounds we have no hesitation in adding Lyving and Leofrick to the list of Cornish bishops. We do not know when the former was appointed to Cornwall, but we learn from Florence, in the passage already quoted, that it was in the reign of King Eadward, that is, after the 8th June, 1042, and his death is variously recorded 1 044-7. * The expression of Florence, that he joined the Cornish to the Devon episcopacy, by permission of that King, evidently implies that it was in fulfilment of Cnut's promise. On his death, Leofrick must, in a similar manner, have held both these sees as distinct bishopricks, until their extinction by the creation of the Exeter dio cese in 1050. From 1042 to 1045, we find in the Charters several signatures of Lyving as Bishop of Cre- diton; and in 1049, of Leofrick, as bishop of the same see. It is true neither of them refers to the Cornish see ; but neither does Lyving refer to that of Worcester, which, we know, he held at the same time.
From the account which William of Malmesbury has left us of Bishop Lyving, he appears to have been a person of great distinction. At first a monk at Winchester, he became successively Abbat of Tavistock,2 and Bishop of Crediton. He was the intimate companion of King Cnut in his continental journeys ; and with much tact and judgment prepared the way for that usurper's reception on his return to England. The concentration of three episcopacies in his person, was doubtless the reward of
1 See note, page 45.
2 This monastery is stated by William of Malmesbury to have acquired in creased importance under Lyving.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 49
his services. His eloquence is referred to in the Saxon Chronicle. But William of Malmesbury calls him an ambitious and headstrong tyrant in the administration of the ecclesiastical laws ; and one who had no thought, but on every occasion to have his own will. The histo rian adds : —
" We have heard from our forefathers, that when he breathed his last, a horrible noise was heard throughout the whole of England, so that it was taken for the de struction and end of the world."
This association with his decease, of some awful but natural phenomenon, which happened then to occur, is a striking proof of the lofty position which he held in the estimation of mankind, and perhaps of the general fear which his character inspired.1 He is stated to have been buried at Tavistock.
Leofrick, his successor in the Cornish and Devon sees, was likewise a person of great note. The Saxon Chro nicle styles him the King's Priest. He was also the King's High Chancellor. By birth he seems to have been a Breton ; and he is stated, by William of Malmesbury, to have acquired the reputation of a great and learned person among the people of Lorraine. The removal of the see to Exeter was the act of this bishop.2 The mo nastery of Saint Peter in that city, had been founded so long before as the reign of King JEthelstan ; 3 and on the transfer of the see thither, Leofrick is stated to have
1 Other coincidences of a similar kind are recorded in history. Of course we do not allude to the great event commemorated in our religion —
" Quando Gtesu, nelP ultimo lamento
Schiuse le tombe, e le montagne scosse" —
which we acknowledge to be miraculous; but we may mention that the last mo ments, both of Cromwell and Bonaparte, were signalised by a tempest of extra ordinary violence.
2 William of Malmesbury and the Bodleian MS. Appendix No. VI. Appendix No. I.
E
50 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
entirely altered the constitution of the monastery, sub stituting canons for monks, and introducing rules and regulations for their government, such as were observed in Lorraine. It has been remarked that he appointed a steward to supply the members with their food day by day, and their clothing yearly.
In the Bodleian MS. he is styled the King's Chaplain, and is described as a man of modest life and conversation, who, when he succeeded to his see, went about his dio cese studiously preaching the word of God to the people committed to him, and instructing the clergy in learning. It is added that he built churches not a few, and vigor ously administered the other duties of his office. Among the documents of the Codex Dip. we shall find a charter or will of this prelate, in Anglo-Saxon, the contents of which are of some interest : it is without date, and com mences thus:1 —
"Here is it witnessed, on this Christ's book,2 what Leofrick, the Bishop, hath given to Saint Peter's Minster, at Exanceaster, where his bishop's seat is."
It should seem, from what follows in this document, that the monastery, when Leofrick succeeded to it, had been spoiled of many of its possessions, which the bishop declares he had again made good, " by God's aid, and by his own intercession, as well as out of his own treasure."
He then enumerates the restored estates, and men tions among them " the land at Toppeshamme, notwith standing that Harold had wrongfully taken it away."
1 Appendix No. V. Cod. Dip. No. 940.
2 This volume of the Gospels, with the document referred to written in it, is now in the Bodleian Library, at Oxford. Two memoranda are inserted in it, tes tifying that it was Leofrick's donation to the monastery of St. Peter, at Exeter. We give one : — " Hunc textum dedit Leofricus, Gps secclse Sci Petri, apli in Gxonia, ad utilitatem suceessorum suorum. Si quis illam abstulerit a?terna3 suiaceat: malediction!. Fiat, Fiat, Fiat.': — TJickes' Thesaurus, vol.ii. by "Wanley, p. 81 .
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 51
This Harold must have been Eorl Godwine's son,1 who for a few months wore the crown of England, until his fall at the battle of Hastings, enabled the Norman Con queror to place it on his own brows. The Domesday Record, compiled at the instigation of the new dynasty, frequently alludes to the unlawful abstraction of Church property by Earl Harold, whose sovereignty the Nor mans were disinclined to acknowledge, and treated as a usurpation.2
Next in order the bishop details, by name, the estates with which he had himself endowed the monastery, " for his lord's soul and for his own, to support the servants of God, who for their souls should intercede."
He remarks, that when he succeeded to the monastery, he found no more land in its possession than two hydes of land at Ide ; and these with no more live stock upon them than seven head of cattle. He then proceeds to make known what further gifts, for ecclesiastical pur poses, he had conferred upon the minster. All these are minutely specified, and include vestments for the priest, articles of church furniture, and vessels for its services ; besides crosiers and crosses, caskets, an altar of ivory, cups of silver, carpets and tapestry coverings for the altar and throne ; two large candlesticks and six smaller, all of ivory ; a silver censer, with silver censer-sticks ; a wain, chests, and coffers : and he observes, " Formerly there were but seven uphanging bells ; now there are thirteen uphanging and twelve hand bells/' The former probably were church bells, which not long before had come into use. Then follows a list of the books he had given : — "Two full mass books, one book of collects, two
1 Harold succeeded to his father's eorldom of West Saxony, on his death, A.D. 1053.— Sec Table of 'Earls of Devon, Appendix No. VII.
2 Sir II. Ellis's Introduction to Domesday, vol. i. p. 31i et seq.
52 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
books of the epistles, and two full singing books, and one even-song book, one " ad te levavi," one " tropere," and two psalters, and a third as they sang at Rome ; two of hymns, and one dear-worth blessing-book, and three others, and one English Christ's book, and two summer- reading books, and one winter-reading book ; a book of canons, and a Martyrology, and one canon in Latin, and one shrift-book in English, and one full book of homilies, winter and summer, and one Boethius' book, in English, and one great English book with every thing wrought poetry-ivise" l He then goes on to say, " That when he took to the monastery, he did not find any more books than one capitulary, and one very old night-song, and one Epistle-book, and two very old reading books, of no value, and one worthless priest's dress." He then enu merates " the many Latin books which he had given to the minster," nearly all on theological and ecclesiastical subjects, which are of interest, as representing what we may fairly conclude was a somewhat superior library of a monastic institution in the Anglo-Saxon times.2 The following passage then succeeds : — "And after his day, he gave his capella, together with himself, thither to be transferred, and with all things pertaining to the service of God, of which he himself was the author (or giver),3
1 " — be jehwilcum £>mgum on leofcpij-an jepojihc." This volume still exists, though damaged and imperfect, in the possession of the Dean and Chapter. The rare specimens of Anglo-Saxon poetry contained in it have recently excited the attention of the learned, and portions have been given to the world, with the criticisms of some of our ablest Anglo-Saxon scholars.
2 See Appendix No. V.
3 We give this passage in accordance with the Latin version in Dugdale's Monasticon, which was supplied by the learned Anglo-Saxon scholar, W. Somner. It is as follows : — " Concessit suam capellam simul cum se ipso eo transferen- dam et omnibus ad Dei servitium pertinentibus quorum ipse author (vel dona- tor) erat ea lege," &c. The Saxon original is as follows : — " And ofer his dseg
'he ann his capellam Siderbinnam for<5 mid himsilfum on eallum tSani Singum tSe hesilf dide mid Godes jjeninge on Sset gerad," &c. The sense of the passage,
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 53
on the condition that the ministers of God, who should be there, should ever remember his soul, with their prayers and mass-songs, to Christ and to Saint Peter and to all the saints, to whom that holy minster was consecrated ; that his soul might be the better accepted by God." The instrument then concludes with the usual denunciation : — "And whosoever shall desire this gift and this donation, to take away from God and Saint Peter, may heaven's kingdom be taken away from him, and may he be for ever condemned to hell punishment."
We have already adverted to the fact that the Cornish episcopate ceased when it was united with that of Devon, and a new diocese was created by their junction. No question has been raised on this point. The circum stances under which that event took place, were attended with great pomp and ceremony, and are detailed in a charter of KingEadward, A.D. 1050, which we shall have occasion to refer to at a future stage of our inquiry.1
We have now submitted what we believe to be the substance of all that can be gathered from authentic sources, respecting the names of the several persons who occupied the see of Cornwall, from the time of its Anglo- Saxon foundation down to the period of its final extinc tion in 1050. The result of the investigation will be better understood by the subjoined list, which contains a reference to the authority for the insertion of each
which is not very clear, seems to depend on the meaning of the word "capetta" which, besides its ordinary one of " a chapel," was sometimes used to signify what was contained in it, especially the relics of saints, and the vessels and other articles used in the ministrations of the priests. " Kex Anglite capellam suarn id est omnia ornamenta sacerclotalia pretiosissima et multa alia . . . prater reli- quias." — Matt. Paris, an. 1242. "Capella, id est, ecclesiasticum ministerium," &c. — Eginhardus in J^tta Caroli M. Du Cange, voce "Capella." See also Dr. Whitaker's Cathedral of Cornwall, vol. ii. p. 288, where, for another pur pose, he has investigated the meaning of this word. 1 Cod. Dip. No. 791. Appendix No. IV.
54
THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
name, and will thus afford the means of determining the degree of credit it is entitled to. We believe it to be as full and accurate a list of the Cornish bishops as our present state of knowledge will admit of being exhibited. It falls short of the total number (eleven) mentioned by Leland, from which we may infer a deficiency in the list, which remains to be supplied.
A List of the Cornish Bishops, so far as they are known.
NAMES.
DATES.
AUTHOBITIES.
1. Conan . .
2. ^Ethel[geard]
3. Cemoere . .
or Comoere.
4. JEthelstan .
5. Wulfsige . .
6. Ealdred . . 7.
8. Buruhwold .
9. Lyving
10. Leofrick .
In the time of King JEthelstan, 925-940, when the see is thought to have been created.
In the time of King Eadred, 946-955.
In the time of King Eadgar, 959-975.
Ditto Ditto
In the time of King JEthelred, 978-1016.
Ditto
(Q,y. the same person as the last.)
In the time of King Cnut, 1016-
1035.
(He died in the reign of King Eadward.)
In the time of King Eadward.
1042-1066. (He died 1046.)
Ditto
He succeeded Lyving, and was
translated to Exeter when that
see was established, A.D. 1050.
(He died in the reign of Wm. I.,
A.D. 1071. Bodl. MS.)
Leland. A bishop of simi lar name will be found, at this period, in the Codex Dip.
Records of Saint Petrock- stowe.
Ditto.
A Charter, dated A.D. 966.
Eecords of Saint Petrock- stowe.
Four Charters, dated 993- 997.
A Charter, dated 1001.
Records of Saint Petrock-
stowe.
A Charter, dated 1018. Flor. of Worcester. Wm. of Malmesbury.
Flor. of Worcester. Wm. of Malmesbury. Saxon Chronicle.
Saxon Chronicle. Flor. of Worcester. Wm. of Malmesbury. Bodl. MS.
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS.
55
We have noticed in a former chapter, that Florence of Worc$£ter has left us a list of the Crediton bishops. This list we have thought it desirable to test by the aid of the charters in the Codex Dip.; and we are gratified in finding the result to be satisfactory ; in fact these docu ments furnish us with a series of the Crediton bishops almost as complete as that of Florence. As the subject is not altogether irrelevant to our inquiry, and indeed is capable of casting a reflected light upon it, we subjoin the names of the bishops, as we find them in the Codex, referring to the several documents, where they are to be found, with their dates, and placing the series side by side with that given by Florence, the accuracy of which it sustains. The list given by Bishop Godwine will be found to differ from it very materially, both in names and dates ; but it would lead us too far away from our subject to dwell upon the points of variance.
A List of the Crediton Bishops.
|
From tho i 1. Eadulphus |
Charters in the Charters wher A.D. 933 |
Codex Dip. 'in they are named. No. 362.1 |
From Florenc 1. Eadulf. |
*e of Worcester. |
|
2. JEthelgar . 3. Alfwold3 . ^Elfwold . |
A.P. 935 949 A.D. 964 966 |
No. 1112. 425. No. 1251. 528. |
2. ^tbelgar. 3. Alfwold. |
lie succeeded Archbishop Duustan.2 |
|
4. Aluric . . |
A.D. 969 |
No. 555. |
4. Sideman. |
|
|
5. Sideman.4 . |
(Died 977) |
Sax. Chron. Flor. ofWor. |
5. Alfric. |
1 We give this charter in the Appendix No. XI. Florence of Worcester as signs tho date of A.D. 931 to Eadulph's death, which is clearly erroneous.
2 This is an error of Florence. yEthelgar, who succeeded Dunstan, was another personage : Archbishop Dunstan died 988. — See Sax. Chron. .^Ethelgar, Bishop of Crediton, died in that see A.D. 953, and in the twenty-first of liis pon tificate. — Flor. of Wor.
3 lie died A.D. 972, according to Florence ; but this date would exclude Aluric, unless we placed him, as Florence has done, after Sideman, rejecting the evidence of the charter, for which there seems no good reason.
4 This person is probably tho same mentioned by Florence, as appointed Abbat of tho Exeter Monastery, A.D. 968. Lyving was Abbat of Tavistock when he
56
THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
A List of the Crediton Bishops — (continued).
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From the Charters in the Codex Dip. |
From Florenc |
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Charters wherein they are named. |
|||
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6. Alfwold . |
A.D. 988 |
No. 665. |
6. Alfwold. |
|
Alfwold . |
993 |
684. |
|
|
^Elfwold . |
995 |
688. |
|
|
^Elfuuold |
995 |
1289. |
|
|
^Elfuuold |
996 |
1292. |
|
|
Alfwold . |
997 |
698. |
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|
Alwoto . |
1001 |
706. |
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7. ^Elfeod . |
A.D. 1004 |
No. 709. |
7. Alfwoldus. |
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8. Eadnoth . |
A.D. 1015 |
No. 1310. |
8. Eadnoth. |
|
9. Lyfingus . |
A.D. 1042 Several others, the last 1045.1 |
No. 763. 781. |
9. Lyvingus. |
|
10. Leofrick . |
A.D. 1049 |
No. 786. |
10. Leofric. |
Before we dismiss the Crediton Bishops, we are de sirous of adding some few remarks upon the catalogue given above, to obviate the possibility of misconception respecting it.
On examining the contents of the Codex, the signa ture of a Crediton bishop will be found in a charter of so early a date as that of Coenuulf, King of Mercia, A.D. 811. The signature is : —
" I, Eaduulf, bishop [of Crediton], have consented and subscribed/'2
was appointed to the Crediton see. One of the MSS. of Florence states that Sideman succeeded Alfuuold A.D. 972, and that Alfricus succeeded Sideman A.D. 977. But the evidence of the charter No. 555 impugns the correctness of these statements, and will probably be preferred. A Bishop Syderr.an will be found named in a charter of 966 (No. 518), but his see is not named ; so, too, in 967 (No. 536). Were there two Crediton bishops of this name?
1 See note page 45.
2 "Ego, Eaduulfus [Cridiatunensis], cpiscopus consensi et subscripsi."
NAMES OF THE BISHOPS. 57
To the same charter is likewise appended the signature of a Bishop of Exeter, thus : —
" I, Uuignoth, Bishop [of Exeter], have consented and subscribed."1
The glaring anachronism of these entries is manifest. The Crediton episcopacy commenced, as we have seen, about a hundred years after the date of this charter ; and that of Exeter nearly two centuries and a half after it ; and, indeed, one succeeded the other, which made it impossible that they could be contemporaneous. This difficulty is, however, easily surmounted ; for Mr. Kemble informs us (in a note), that all the names of the sees are interpolated throughout the charter, by being written between the lines ; and, he adds, "in an sequaeval hand." But, as we cannot conceive the names of the sees to have been inserted before they had been created, we must assign the interpolation, if not the transcription of the entire document, to a date some centuries later than the one it bears.
Bishop Sideman we cannot point out in the Charters with any certainty, but we learn from the Saxon Chronicle that he died Bishop of Devon, A.D. 977. The passage is as follows : —
"A. 977. — This year over Easter was the great gemote at Kyrtling-tun, and there died Bishop Sideman by a sudden death, on the 2nd of the calends of May. He was bishop in Devonshire, and he desired that the resting- place of his body should be at Crediton, at his episcopal seat. Then commanded King Eadward and Archbishop Dunstan, that he should be borne to Saint Mary's Minster, which is at Abbendon ; and so too was it done ; and he
1 "Ego, Uuignothus [Exoniensis], episcopus conscnsi ct subscripsi." — Cod. Dip. No. 197.
58 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
is, moreover, honorably buried on the north side in St. Paul's Chapel."1
With the exception of this bishop, all in Florence's list are also found in the Codex. It will be seen that Nos. 4 and 5 are transposed by Florence, Aluric being the same name as Alfric.2 It is pretty clear that Nos. 6 and 7, in Florence's list, are the same person ; and we presume as much of the same numbers in our own, the words being spelt very variously in the Charters. Indeed, No. 7 is omitted in some of the ancient copies of Florence, and wholly omitted in William of Malmesbury, whose catalogue, in every other respect, is coincident with that of the other historian.
We shall now proceed, in the following chapter, to con sider the place where the Cornish bishops had their seat : a subject which has given rise, as already mentioned, to some controversy.
1 "An. DCCCCLXXVII. fteji psej J»*t myccle semdt set Kyjitlms-tune opeji Gajtjion, anb Jjgeji pojiSfejibe Sibeman bij~ceop on hpseblican beacSe. on
• 11- Jcal. (IQai. Se psej Depia-j'ci.ne bij-ceop. anb he pilnobe )>set hi/ lic-jisej~t fceolbe beon set Ejubiantune set hip bifceop-jrole. Da het Gabpeajvb cmj. anb Dun/Can ancebifceop, ^set hme man jrejiebe to Sea. COanian CDynjtjie, \&c ij" set Sbbanbune ; anb man eac ]"pa bybe. anb he if eac ajipynSlice be- byn^eb on fa non^S-healpe on Scj". Pauluj- pontice." — Sax. Chron.
2 The " u" must be read as " v," and that as equivalent to "f." Alfred the Great sometimes signs his name " Alured" and " ^Elured."
50
CHAPTER IV.
The Place of the Cornish See according to modern and ancient authorities — St. Germans or St. Petrock's — Dispute as to the site of the latter — Whether Bodmin or Padstow — Proved to be Bodmiri — Bodmin Monastery resting on historic testimony — That at Padstow solely on conjecture — Evidences in favour of each view — Story of the body of St. Petrock clandestinely removed from Bodmin and taken to France — Again restored — Padstow not the ancient name.
CAMDEN, and our earliest county historians, Carew and Norden, speak of Saint Petrock's Monastery at Bodmin as the place where the Cornish bishops had their seat ; and they inform us that it was removed, on the destruc tion of that place by the Danes, to Saint Germans. The learned Dr. Whitaker has, however, written a voluminous work, bearing the title of T/ie Ancient Cathedral of Corn- wall, the object of which is to prove that it was never placed at Saint Petrock's, but was at Saint Germans from the first creation of the bishoprick until its final extinc tion, by being united with that of Devon. Whatever opinion may be entertained of the style and tone in which this work is written, it is impossible not to bear testimony to the multifarious learning and great research which dis tinguish it, as well as to the singular acumen with which the author deals with every part of the subject.
To enable us to understand this disputed question, we must direct our attention to the various authorities which bear upon it, and, after weighing carefully their import, we shall be better prepared to determine what conclusion may be legitimately drawn.
The almost cotemporaneous record of the Saxon Chro nicle will not supply us with any information for our
60 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
guidance ; but the Chronicle of Florence of Worcester, written shortly after the termination of the Cornish epis copate, contains the following passage : —
" The Kings of the West Saxons ruled in the districts of Wiltshire, and Berkshire, and Dorsetshire," — " and in Donmania, which is called Devonshire, and in Cornubia, which is now called Cornwall — and there were then two bishopricks : one at Crediton, and the other at Saint Germanus; now there is one, and its seat is at Exeter."1
The Chronicles of William of Malmesbury, as we have already observed, in point of date, shortly afterwards succeeded to that of Florence ; and in his history of the Kings of England we find a passage, in language identical with that just extracted from Florence, whose text has been evidently adopted by the historian.2 But in another work, by the same author, on the English Prelates, he states the fact differently, and as follows : —
" The episcopal seat was at Saint Petrocus the Confes sor. The place is among the Northern Britons, upon the sea, near a river which is called Hegelmithe. Some say that it was at Saint Germanus, near the river Liner, upon the sea in the south."3
It will be observed that in the former of these passages both these historians agree in asserting Saint Germans to have been the seat of the Episcopate ; but in the latter,
1 " Eeges West-Saxonum dominabantur in Wiltescire et Berkescire et Dorset- ensi pagis, &c. — et in Domnania quse Devenescire dicitur et in Cornubia quse mine Cornugallia dicitur : erantque tune duo episcopatus unus in Cridetuna et alter apud Sanctum Germanum nunc est unus et est sedes ejus Exonise." This passage is found in the Appendix to Florence's Chronicle. It exists in all the ancient MSS., and no doubt has been expressed of its genuineness.
2 Gesta Reg. Angl. lib. i. c. 6.
3 Cornubiensium sane Pontificum suceiduuin ordinem nee scio nee appono nisi quod apud Sanctum Petrocum confessorem fuerit episcopatus sedes. Locus est apud aquilonales Brittones supra mare juxta flumen quod dicitur Hegel mithe. Quidani dicunt fuisse ad Sanctum Germanu juxta flumen Liner supra mare in australi parte." — De Gest, Pont. lib. ii.
THE PLACE OF THE SEE. 01
the historian of Malmcsbury speaks of it doubtingly, and appears to incline in favour of Saint Petrock. It happens, however, somewhat unfortunately, that at the very thresh old of this inquiry, we are embarrassed with another disputed question. Where are we to find Saint Petrock? At Boditdn, or at Padstow ? It will be necessary, there fore, to consider this subordinate question before we can proceed further with the main subject of our inquiry.
The earliest historic notice of Saint Petrockstowe is, we believe, that in the Saxon Chronicle, under the date of A.D. 981. It is as follows: —
" In this year Saint Petrock's-stowe was ravaged, and that same year was much harm done every where, by the seacoast, as well among the men of Devon as among the Welsh."1 [Cornu-Welsh, or Cornish.]
In Florence of Worcester we find the same fact thus recorded : —
" An. 981.— The Monastery of Saint Petrock the Con fessor, in Cornwall, was devastated by the pirates, who, in the preceding year, had devastated Southampton, and afterwards in Devon, and even in Cornwall, they made frequent spoil along the seacoasts."2
This Saint Petrock's-stowe has been usually accepted as the monastery referred to by William of Malmesbury in the passage just now quoted ; and our historians have
1 " An. DCCCCLXXXI. fteji on J?yj- jeajie. pa>j- See Petnocef j-cop pon- henjob. anb ]py ilcan jeane pa?r rmcel heanm jebon jehpseji be |?am fce-niman. 8P3$en 30 on Dejrenum, ,je on pealurn." — Sax. Chron.
The Anglo-Saxons designated the native Britons by the term " Wealas," or Welsh, that is, "foreigners." Such of them as occupied the angle of Roman Damnonia, they called the " Corn-wealas," that is, the Cornu-Welsh, or Cornish ; hence " Cornwall," i. e., " Coruu- Wales."
2 " DCCCCLXXXI. Sancti Petroci confessoris monasterium, in Cornubia, de- vastatum est a piratis, qui anno preoterito Suthamptoniam devastarunt, qui deinde in Domuania, et in ipsa Cornubia, circa ripas maris frequentes prsedas agebant. — Flor. Wig. Chron.
62 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
been accustomed to identify it with the well-known monastery of that name at Bodmin.
More recently, however, and especially since Dr. Whitaker's work, doubts have been entertained of the correctness of this view; and it is now not unusual to find, even in works of great authority, that Padstow is referred to as the site of Saint Petrock's. It seems to us that these doubts rest on no solid foundaton, and that, until we have more cogent evidence than is now in our possession, we are not justified in departing from the opinions of our early county historians.
It is true that the description of its site, given by the Malmesbury historian, would seem, on a cursory view, to indicate Padstow; but when attentively considered, it will be found not inapplicable to Bodmin, where a monas tery of Saint Petrock is known to have existed. Nor did Camden, or the other historians we have just now referred to, express so much as the slightest doubt or suspicion on this point. The term " Northern Britons " means, of course, the Cornish-Britons, dwelling on the north side of the county. By " Hegelmithe"1 is signified " Hayle- mouth," that is, the estuary of the Hayle, by which name there is abundant proof that the Padstow river was
1 The Anglo-Saxon "g" was generally dropped as the language became trans muted into modern English. " Mithe," " gemythe," or "mutha," was used by the Saxons, not only for the mouth of a river, but for a narrow sea, or strait, and for an estuary. The usual name of the Padstow river is the Alan, Cam- alan, or Camel, which it bore in Anglo-Saxon times ; but that it was sometimes called the Hel, or Hayle, we have possibly some evidence in the manor of Hel- ston, the parishes of Helland, and Egloshayle, all on its banks, and Hel bay at its mouth. In the 30th Edw. I. proceedings under a quo warranto were taken against the Prior of Bodmin, to know on what grounds he claimed the fishery in the "Waters of Aleyn and Eyle." — (See Appendix No. X.) "We find the same appellation applied in Cornwall to other rivers, as at Hayle St. Ives, and the Helford river near Helston. It has therefore been conjectured that it is con nected with the Cornish word " Halen," salt, and the Greek "A\£, aAog, either salt or the sea. It would seem, therefore, to signify either a river which flowed into an estuary of the sea, or else the estuary itself where the salt water flowed,
THE PLACE OF THE SEE. 03
sometimes designated in remote times. It flows by Bod- min at the distance of about a mile ; and the estuary, into which it pours its waters, approaches within six miles of that place. The expression " on the sea/' it must be admitted, is somewhat loose for an inland town like Bod- min ; but the historian uses the same expression for Saint Germans, which also is some miles inland. We must bear in mind that he was not defining the site with geographical precision, but indicating only, in a general way, the part of the county where these two monasteries lay. It is but probable that the defective state of the roads in that early age, made internal communication difficult, and gave occasion to those monastic houses being generally visited by water. It would, in this case, be quite natural, that the historian should associate them with the coast, and the arm of the sea by which they were approached.
It is obvious, then, that from this description of its site, we cannot decide between the rival claims of Padstow and Bodmin, inasmuch as it is suitable to either place. We must seek a solution of this question elsewhere. The conclusion we have come to in favour of Bodmin rests on grounds which we will now submit, and which appear to us to be sustained by the two following propositions : —
1 . That the existence of the monastery of Saint Petrock at Bodmin can be traced back with almost absolute cer tainty to a period but little short of the reign of King ^Ethelstan, when the Cornish bishoprick is supposed to have originated ; and traditionally even to a much higher date.
2. That we have no positive proof that a monastery of Saint Petrock at Padstow ever existed : the belief in it being founded on nothing more than a plausible conjecture.
64 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
In treating of the first branch of this subject, it will not be necessary to offer proofs of a modern date. The existence of the Bodrnin monastery, for ages antecedent to the reign of Henry VIII., when it shared the common fate of all similar institutions in this country, will, we presume, not be called in question. We propose to take it up at the Norman Conquest, or rather at the epoch of the Domesday survey. This ancient record was com pleted A.D. 1086,1 twenty years after the Conquest; and, on referring to its pages, we shall find, under the division of " Cornvalge,"2 or Cornwall, the following entry : —
" The church of Saint Petroc holds Bodmine. There is one hide of land which was never taxed. The land is four carucates. There five villani have two ploughs with six bordarii. There are thirty acres of pasture, and six acres of small wood. There Saint Petroc has sixty-eight houses and one market. The whole is worth twenty- five shillings/'3
Immediately afterwards follows a list of the other landed possessions of Saint Petrock in Cornwall, at the end of which is the following note : —
" All the above-described lands Saint Petroc held in the time of King Edward/'4
In the Exeter copy5 of Domesday, the same fact is re-
1 Sir H. Ellis' Introd. to Dom. vol. i. p. 4.
2 The last two letters appear to be a Norman equivalent for " le" or "ie." Observe "Ecclesia de Labatailge," in Domesday for Battle Abbey. In the Exeter copy we have " COENY GallJE."
3 Eccla S. Petroc ten Bodmine. Ibi e una hida tra3 qua? numq geldau. Tra e IIII. car. Ibi V. viTli hnt II. car cu VI. bord. Ibi XXX. ac pasture & VI. ac siluse minutse. Ibi hit S. Petroc LXVIII. dom & un mercatii. Totu valet XXV. solid."
4 " Oms supius descriptas tras teneb T. E. E. Scs. Petrocus."
5 This is a partial copy of the survey preserved at Exeter, and relates to the five western counties. It is more detailed than the National Eecord kept at the Exchequer, and is thought to be a transcript of the original return of the Commissioners, from which the Exchequer copy for that part of the kingdom
THE PLACE OF THE SEE. 05
corded in somewhat different terms, which we therefore give :-
" Saint Petroc has one manor, which is called Bodmine, which the same saint held on the day on which King Edward was alive and dead.1 In it, there is one hide of land, which at no time paid tax. This four ploughs can plough. Upon that land there are five villani, who have two ploughs, and six bordarii, and five acres of small wood, and thirty acres of pasture, and in the same manor Saint Petroc has sixty-and-eight houses, and one market, and the whole together is worth, by the year, twenty-five shillings."*
It would divert us too far from our subject if we were to enter upon the consideration of these extracts, and the strange terms which they contain, so as to examine their import in detail. To the antiquary and historian they are sufficiently familiar. For our purpose, it is enough that we can gather from them, with the most perfect con fidence, that the monastery of Saint Petrock possessed the town of Bodmin, not only when the record was drawn up, but likewise in the reign of King Eadward, that is, antecedently to the Conquest. The monastery of
was abridged. There is also a copy for Cambridge and Hertford, which was preserved in the monastery of Ely. — See Sir II. Ellis' Introd.
1 The expression "ea die qua RexEdwardus fuit vivus et mortuus" is stated by Sir II. Ellis to be peculiar to the Exeter copy, being rarely met with in the great Domesday. In the Ely copy it runs, " tempore regis ^Edwardi et in morte." —Sir II. Ellis' Introd. See also Charter No. 897 of the Codex, where will be found the same formula, " on Sam timan fceEadwerd cing woes cucu and dead." Was this phraseology a Norman importation ? It savours of the language of our lawyers at this day, " Whereas A.B. was in his lifetime, and also at the time of his death, seized," &c.
2 " Sanctus Petrocus habet i mansionem que vocatur Bodmine quam tenuit idem Sanctus ea die qua rex Edwardus fuit vivus et mortuus. In ea est i hida terre que nullo tempore reddidit gildum. Hanc possunt arare iiii carruce. In ea terra sunt v villani qui habent ii carrucas et vi bordarii et v agri nemusculi et xxx agri pascue et in eadcm mansione habet Sanctus Petrochus Ix et viii domos et i mercatum et istud totum insimul valet per annum xxv solidos.
66 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
Saint Petrock is here represented to us in immediate connection with the town of Bodmin. Its landed pos sessions, as enumerated in Domesday, are, in part, such as were possessed by the Bodmin monastery at the time of its dissolution ; and the identity of the two cannot possibly admit of any question. It would be as bold as it would be illogical, to aver that these entries might, not withstanding, relate to a Petrock-stowe at Padstow ; nor do we think it necessary to combat such an extravagant opinion. The rent-roll of its estates attests its wealth and consequent importance ; and we cannot wonder that it should have, offered a tempting prize to the ocean free booters, who, we are told, devastated Saint Petrocks-stowe about a century before the date of this record.
We will now proceed to show what evidences there are of the Bodmin monastery of a still higher date.
In the 57th year of King Henry III., that monarch granted a charter to the Prior and Canons of Bodmin, which recites, by inspeximus, another charter of so early a date as the reign of King Eadred, whereby the latter " granted and confirmed for ever to our beloved in Christ, the Prior and Canons of Bodmin, the manor of Newton, with the appurtenances, in the county of Devon, free from all services except prayers to God;" which grant King Henry further confirmed to the Prior and Canons, and released them from all suit to the hundred of Shefbir (Shebbear), in which the property was situated.1
In the reign of Edward I., proceedings were taken against the Prior of Bodmin, to compel suit to the hundred of Shebbear, and the prior, in answer, proffers the charter of King Henry ; and the validity of the de fence appears to have been admitted.3
1 Appendix No. VIII. 2 Appendix No. X.
THE PLACE OF THE SEE. 67
In corroboration of this evidence it will be found, on referring to the Domesday Survey, that the manor of New ton, in Devon, was then held by " the priests of Bomene."1 So, too, at the time of the suppression of the monastery, in the reign of Henry VIII. , the same manor, then dis tinguished as " Newton Saint Petrock," was still a part of its possessions.2
The Prior and Canons of Bodmin are thus recognised so early as the reign of King Eadred [A.D. 946-55], which commenced but six years only after the death of King ^Ethelstari.
In addition to this testimony, we have that of the manumissions at the altar of Saint Petrock, which we have already had occasion to refer to. They record transactions which took place at " the altar of Saint Petrock" which, it may be gathered from them, was within a minster or conventual church. Two of the entries refer expressly to Bodmin,3 as a town situated close to it, and we can scarcely avoid the inference that they all relate to the Bodmin monastery.
1 " Prbi de Bomene ten Holecome, &c.
Ipsi pbri ten Niwetone, q geld p. una hida," &c. — Domesday Survey.
2 Valor Ecclesiasticus, temp. Hen. VIII.
" Prioratus de Bodmyn In comitatu Devonie
Newton Petrok. redditns et firme £796
Holcomb. redditus et firme 510"
3 The following is one of the entries, with a translation : — " Her ky$ on fcissere bee tSfiet ^Eilsig bohte anne wifmann OngyneSel hatte and hire sunuGyfciccsel set Durcilde mid healfe punde, set fccere cirican dura on Bodmine and sealde -ZEilsige portgereua and Maccosse hundredes mann IIII. pengas to tolle ; $a ferde TEilaig to $e $a men bohte and nam hig and freode upp an Petrocys weofede, aefre sacles, on gewitnesse fcissa godera manna ; $a?t wees Isaac, messepreost ; and Blefccuf, messepreost ; and Wunning, messepreost j and "VVulfger, messepreost ; and Grifiufc, messepreost ; and Noe, messepreost ; and WurSicifc, messepreost ; and ^ilsig, diacon ; and Maccos and Tefcion Modredis sunu, and Kynilm, and Beorlaf, and Dirling, and Gratcant, and Talan. And gif hwa $as freot abrece, hebbe him wifc Criste gemene. Amen." — Cod. Dip. vol. iv. p. 313.
" Here is it made known in this book that -ZEilsig bought a woman named
68 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
The earliest dates which admit of being assigned to this record, are derived from entries of two manumissions made by King Eadmund himself at the altar ;* and they, consequently, furnish us with proof of the existence of the monastery at Bodmin antecedently to the reign of King Eadred, and nearly so far back as the supposed date of its Saxon foundation.2
Quitting the safe track of historic evidence and written records, we must now resort to less trustworthy sources.
Leland, writing in the time of Henry VIII., has pre served certain accounts regarding Saint Petrock and this monastery, which, he says, were transcribed from the ancient charters of endowment. But we have great doubt of Leland himself having seen these charters, and even of their existence in his day. We are, therefore, not disposed to look at these statements in any other light than as so many traditions, whatever value may belong to them in that character, and although they may have been long reduced to writing, and preserved at the monastery.
Ongynethel, and her son Grythicesel, of Thurcilde, for half a pound, at the church- door in £odmin, and gave ^ilsige the portreeve and Maccos the hundred-man fourpence as toll. Then went JEilsig, who bought the serfs, and took them and freed them at Petrock's altar, ever sacless [exempt from jurisdiction or control], by the witness of these good men, that is, Isaac, mass-priest ; Blethcuf, mass- priest; and Wunning, mass-priest ; an rlWulfger, mass-priest; and Grifiuth, mass- priest ; and Noe, mass-priest ; and Wurthicith, mass-priest ; and ^Eilsig, deacon ; and Maccos, and Tethion, Modred's son, and Kynilm, and Beorlaf, and Dirling, and Gratcant, and Talan. And if any one break this freedom, may he account for it to Christ. Amen."
1 " Hsec sunt nomina mulierum, Medhuil, Adlgun, quas liberauit Eadmunt rex super altare Sancti Petroci palam istis testibus, Cangueden diaconus, Byt cleri- cus, Anaoc, Tithert."
" Hsec sunt nomina hominum quos liberauit Eadmund rex pro anima sua super altare Sancti Petroci, Tancwoystel, Weneriefc, coram istis testibus," &c. — Cod. Dip. vol. iv.
2 There is also a charter purporting to contain a grant of "Niwantune" to Saint Petrock, by King ^Ethelstan. Unfortunately it bears the incongruous date of A.D. DCLXX., which induced Wanley to pronounce it a forgery ; for this reason we have been unwilling to rely on it, but we shall probably revert to it in the Appendix.
THE PLACE OF THE SEE. 69
Their purport is as follows : — That Saint Petrock, when he came into Cornwall, succeeded to the possession of a little hermitage, which Saint Guron resigned to him. That Saint Petrock thereupon betook himself to a mo nastic life, following the rule of St. Benedict at " Bod- mina," which then took that name : Bosmanna signifying the dwelling of the monks. That the rule of St. Benedict was maintained there until the time of King ^Ethelstan. This king is designated the first founder of the monastery, which can only be reconciled with the previous statement, on the supposition that he was the first to endow it, or else that he changed its constitution.1
Elsewhere, referring to the priory church at Bodmin, Leland observes, that Saint Petrock was patron of it, and " sometime dwely'd ther." " That the shrine arid tumbe of Saint Petrok yet stondeth in th'est parte of the chirche."2 The saint is stated, by Leland, to have been a Welshman ; and, according to Usher, he came into Cornwall A.D. 518 : a date, be it observed, preceding by some centuries the establishment of the Saxon power in that county. Without attaching undue importance to the statements preserved by Leland, if we take them in conjunction with the strictly historic testimony already adduced, it is not unreasonable to conclude, that the Bod min monastery was either taken under the patronage of
1 " Hoec qua? sequuntur transcripta sunt ex antiquis Donationum chartis."
" S. Petrocus monasticam professus vitam sub regula D. Benedict! apud Bod- iniiiam tune temporis vocatum.
" Bosuianna id est mansio monachorum in valle ubi S. Guronus solitarie de- gens in parvo tugurio quod relinquens tradidit S. Petroco.
" Quam regulam usque ad tenipus Athelstani monastic® dicatarn discipline inonachi ibidem tenuerunt.
" An0 923. Primus fundator ^Ethelstanus." — Lei. Collect, torn i. 75.
We have some doubt of " Bosmanna " being the true etymon of Bodmin, but it would be out of place to enter upon this subject here.
2 Lei. Itln.
70 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
the Saxons soon after the entire subjugation of Cornwall by King .^Ethelstan, or otherwise that it was then first founded by them.
The fact which Leland records, of the shrine and tomb of Saint Petrock yet standing in the church at Bodmin, is not without significancy as an evidence of St. Petrock' s residence and burial at that place. In corroboration of this fact, we may mention, that there is a curious story preserved in the annals of Roger de Hoveden, that in the year 1177, the body of Saint Petrock was clandes tinely carried away from the monastery by one Martin, a canon regular of the same house ; and taken to the Abbey of Saint Meen, in Brittany, then part of the pos sessions of the English crown. Upon this being discovered, Roger, who was then prior of Bodmin, and the better disposed portion of the chapter, complained to the King (Henry II.), who commanded the body to be restored. The abbat and his brethren, under fear of the King's displeasure, at once complied with the royal mandate, and delivered the body of the saint to Roger, making oath at the same time, " upon the holy evangelists, and upon the relics of the saints, that they had restored the identical body unchanged, and in an entirely perfect state."1
The existence of the Bodmin monastery, from a very early period, has now been substantiated by undoubted
1 Mr. D. Gilbert, in his History of Cornwall, under " Bodmin," gives the account of this transaction as narrated by Benedictua Abbas, which agrees with that in Roger de Hoveden.
We must leave to the reader to reconcile as best he can the above story with the fact that there is preserved in the Bodleian Library a numerous inventory of relics, said to have been given to St. Peter's monastery by King TRt.heistan, among which will be found "part of St. Petrock's bones, and of his hair, and of his clothes " [" op S. Pefrjiocej- banum -j op hij" pexe ~j op hij" clatSon"].
This curious document is too long for insertion in this work, but we give in the Appendix No. I. the introductory part, as illustrating not only the super stitious veneration then paid to relics, but the naive and simple style of writing then in use.
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testimonies, and placed before us in a distinct and palpable form. Let us now turn from this well-authenticated his tory, to consider what may be said in favour of a monas tery of Saint Petrock at Padstow.
It is asserted by Camden, and solely, as it should seem, on the authority of legends preserved in the life of the saint, that "Padstow" is a corruption of " Petrock- stowe," Saint Petrock having sometime dwelt there. In like manner, it is asserted by Usher, that Saint Petrock dwelt there. We may at once observe that these state ments are contradicted by the legend, as preserved by Leland ; from which we learn that Bodmin was the place where that saint fixed his abode. Dr. Borlase, to recon cile these accounts — which at best, as historic testimony, are of no great value — supposes that the monks, for better security against pirates, removed from Padstow to Bodmin. Dr. Whitaker, on the other hand, believes that King ^Ethelstan founded a monastery of Saint Petrock, both at Padstow and Bodmin. It will not be necessary for us to discuss at length these different views, for the following reasons. It does not appear to be asserted by either of these authors, that the see of Cornwall was ever placed at Padstow. For Dr. Borlase, who supposes a removal from that place to Bodmin, assigns the event to a date preceding the creation of the Cornish episcopate; and Dr. Whitaker, who supposes two monasteries of Saint Petrock, contends that the see never was at Saint Petrock's at all.1 It is however to be ob served, that from other traditional accounts, preserved in the lives of the saints, it appears that Saint Patrick also is said to have landed at Padstow, A.D. 432,2 in commemoration of which, a church, bearing his name, was
1 Cathedral of Cornwall, vol. i. 30, 32, 45, 46, 60, 69.
2 Borlase' s Antiquities of Cornwall.
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there afterwards founded.1 The resemblance between his name and Padstow, or Paddestow, will probably be deemed more striking than that of Saint Petrock ; and we may therefore, with as much reason, attribute the name of Padstow to the former as to the latter saint — a suggestion thrown out by Borlase. We have great doubts however of the name of Padstow being really of ancient origin. It does not appear capable of being traced back many centuries. The older English appel lation is admitted to be " Aldestowe," that is, the " Old- stowe;"2 and the still older Cornish name, "Laffenack," which Dr. Borlase conjectures may signify either the church of stone or the church of the monks. In these names we seem to descry some faint traces of a church or monastic institution in ancient times ; but when or by whom founded, or to whom dedicated, we have no means of ascertaining. Leland appears to have been unable to inform us of the name of the patron saint of Padstow Church, inasmuch as he has left it uninserted in his text. It is usual, however, to assign it to Saint
1 — " cum S. Patricias, a Celestino Papa missus, Hibernicos ad fidem Christi convertisset, atque eos in fide solidasset Britaniam rediit et in portum qui Haile- mout nuncupatur appulit, ob cujus reverentiam, sanctitatisque excellentiam ibidem statuitur ecclesia S. Patricii nomine, propter ejus merita et frequentia miracula insignita." — Usher, 369.
Dr. Whitaker, to get rid of this testimony, insists that the story belongs of right to St. Petrock, and not to St. Patrick; the supposed error having arisen from a mistake of the name. — Cath. of Corn. vol. i. p. 33, note ; ii. p. 287.
2 Leland was informed that the name was "Adelstow," i.e. locus "Athelstani," as though that King had founded it ; but from various evidences it can be shown that the name was "Aldestowe" In former times there seems to have been a prevailing desire in Cornwall to claim an origin from King ^Ethelstan. St. Germans, Bodmin, Padstow, and St. Berian, have all asserted such a claim. There is a charter purporting to be King ^Ethelstan's, founding St. Berian's Church, but apparently spurious. It was clearly the impression that his reign was the earliest date which could be assigned to the English authority in Corn wall. Padstow is admitted to be taxed by the name of "Aldestowe" in the Valor of Pope Nicholas, A.D. 1291. — See, too, proceedings temp. Edward I., Appendix No. X.
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Petrock ; the authority for which we are not aware of. The adjoining parish is admitted to be connected with the name of Saint Petrock, being now called Little Pe- therick, or Saint Petrock the Less. We learn, however, from Mr. Lysons, that it was anciently known by the name of "Nassington." There is to be found among the archives of Exeter Cathedral, a record, that on the 28th September 1415, Bishop Stafford licensed the celebration of Divine Service " in the Chapels of the Holy Trinity, and of the Saints Michael, Petroc, Germanus, and We- thenye, within the limits of the parish of Saint Petrock of Padstow."1
This record, so far from proving the identity of the two names, " Petrockstowe," and " Padstow/' seems to us to prove the reverse. It applies evidently to Little Petherick, or Saint Petrock the Less ; which, being close to Padstow, was so described to distinguish it from the greater Petrocks-stowe at Bodmin.
It is well known that the Bodmin monastery, at the time of its suppression, possessed the manor of Padstow, with its port, harbour, and fishery ; but, inasmuch as we find no mention of this property among the possessions of the monastery enumerated in Domesday, we may infer that it was a later acquisition. It is not unlikely that the Chapter at Bodmin, after they had acquired it, may have founded there a church or chapels dedicated to Saint Petrock, as they appear to have done in their manors of Hollacombe and Newton Saint Petrock, in Devon ; and thus the church of Little Petherick, and that of Padstow also, supposing it to bear the name of that saint, may have had their origin.2
1 "In capellis Sancte Trinitatis, sanctorum Michaelis, Petroci, German! et Wethenye, infra limites parochie Sancti Petroci de Padistow." — Oliver's Monast. 2>ioc. Exon. p. 442.
2 The suffix of "stowe," meaning "place" only, although constantly applied
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We have now stated the grounds on which the belief in a monastery of Saint Petrock, at Padstow, is sup ported ; and it will be apparent how feeble and unsatis factory is the foundation. Resting partly on uncertain philological conjectures, and partly on doubtful surmises, founded on legends which possess no trustworthy autho rity, there is not a tittle of evidence of a really historical character which can be adduced in support of it. But if we turn from the indistinct and shadowy form in which this supposed establishment presents itself to our appre hension, and regard the other at Bodmin, the existence of which has been brought before us in all its substantial reality — and if we bear in mind that in all respects it fulfils the historical requisites of the Petrockstowe of antiquity, it would seem to be wholly unreasonable to withhold our acceptance of it as such, or to expect to find any other.
Returning from this digression to the main subject of our inquiry, we will now consider what are the argu ments in favour of the respective claims of Saint Germans and Saint Petrock to be deemed the see of the Cornish bishops : assuming, for the reasons stated, Bodmin to be the unquestionable site of the latter.
by the Saxons to institutions of a monastic or conventual character, was some times used in a different sense. We find in Cornwall, in the neighbourhood of Padstow, the churches of " Davidstowe," " Jacobstowe," and several others, where it was never pretended that there was a collegiate body.
75
CHAPTER V.
Place of the See continued — Testimonies adduced — Inquisition temp. Edw. III. — Charter of King .^Ethelred, annexing Saint Petrock's to the See of Saint Germans — Charter of King Cnut — Charter of King Eadward, uniting the Cornish and Devon Bishopricks, and See removed to Exeter, A.D. 1050 — Possibly a joint See of Saint Germans and Saint Petrock — Kelation of the Bishop to the Monastery — Transfer of its Lands on the removal of the See — Those of Saint Germans divided — No part of Saint Petrock's Estates trans ferred — Leland's authority as to the See — Evidence of the Manumissions as to the See — Not conclusive in favour of Bodmin, as assumed by Mr. D. Gilbert — Recapitulation .
IT has been already noticed that the historian of Malmes- bury, who composed his works within the century which followed the extinction of the Cornish Episcopate, was unable to determine between the respective claims of Saint Germans and Saint Petrock to be deemed the place of the see, and left that question still unresolved. Our early modern historians adopted the hypothesis that the see was at both those places — first at Bodmin, and afterwards at Saint Germans; and that the removal was occasioned by the pillage of the Bodmin monastery by the Danes in 981, recorded in the Saxon Chronicle. We are not aware that this supposed removal rests oil the authority of any ancient author; and until some testimony is adduced in its favour, we must receive the statement as conjectural only.
We believe the earliest direct reference to the Cornish see, as such, after that of William of Malmesbury, is the record of a judicial proceeding, which took place A.D. 1358 (32 Edw. III.), when some inquiry, by a jury, was instituted, regarding the legal rights of the Bishop
76 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
of Exeter over certain lands as appertaining to Saint Germans monastery. The result of this inquiry is set forth in a record which is technically termed an Inqui sition ; and the same record was adduced and confirmed in the reign of King Richard II., A.D. 1383. In it we find it stated, " that a certain King of England, Knout by name, gave to God and the Church of Saint Germans, and those who there served God, the lands and tenements in the writ contained, that there the episcopal seat of Cornwall then was, and a bishop named Brithwold, and secular canons, &c.'?1
This ancient record appears to us to possess great weight ; it contains the conclusion come to by persons who examined the matter judicially, at a period when evidence must have been attainable which is now beyond our reach. Of itself, and unsupported by other testi mony, it should seem to be quite sufficient to satisfy us, that at least at the time of King Cnut, Saint Germans was the place of the see. But this King began to reign A.D. 1017; and consequently the document will not decide for us whether the see had not been removed thither a short time previously, upon the Danish attack of Bodmin, A.D. 981.
The grant of King Cnut, referred to in the inquisition, we shall presently submit to notice ; but we shall first adduce a still earlier document, of the reign of King ^Ethelred, dated A.D. 994.2 Omitting the formal part of it, which is long and verbose, and without any bearing on our subject, the contents of this instrument may be thus translated : —
" Wherefore I [yEthelred] now make known to all Catholics, that with the advice and permission of the
1 Appendix No. IX.
2 No. 686, Cod. Dip., Appendix No. II.
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bishops and princes, and of all my nobles, for the love of our Lord Jesus Christ, and the holy Confessor Germanus, as well as of the blessed excellent Petrocus, for the re demption of my soul, and for the absolution of my sins,
I have granted the bishoprick of Ealdred the bishop, that is, in the province of Cornwall, that it may be free, and subject to him, and all his successors ; that he may govern and rule his diocese, as other bishops who are under my authority ; and that the place and rule of Saint PctrocJcs may be always in his power, and in that of his successors; and so that it may be free from all royal tributes, and released from the obligation of compulsory works and penal liabilities (but with the apprehension of thieves1), and from every secular burden, military ser vice excepted, and so free perpetually may remain."
On an attentive consideration of this document, it may be observed, that it was not a mere formal grant, made in ordinary course, on the appointment of Ealdred to the see, for we have already noticed his signature, as Bishop of Cornwall, in a charter of the preceding year.3 We are therefore certain that he had been in the possession of his bishoprick for some time previously. The instru ment itself is of twofold effect : first, it enfranchises the episcopacy from certain liabilities, the nature of which it is unnecessary for our purpose that we should enter upon ; and secondly, it subjects " the place and rule,"
II locus atque regimen," of Saint Petrock to the authority of the bishop.
It is admitted that every bishop had a general power of superintendence over the monastic institutions within
1 The right of apprehending and trying thieves, taken either within or with out the manor, is often found enumerated among manorial privileges, even in recent times, by the homely but genuine Anglo-Saxon terms of " Infang-theofn and " Ontfang-theof."
2 Page 14.
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his diocese.1 It is consequently clear that by the term " regimen," it was intended that Ealdred should acquire some special power and control over this monastery, which he did not possess before ; but not only was he to have this ff regimen," but the "locus'^ also, by which we may understand the site of the monastery, including the building, and whatever else might be upon it ; and thus a property or interest in the monastery itself must have passed to the bishop.
There are two aspects in which this instrument may be regarded. Its date is thirteen years after the Bodmin monastery had been plundered by the pirates. And if we assume, as is asserted by Camden and other writers, that the bishop, in consequence, removed his see to Saint Germans, we should expect that there would have been some instrument by which Saint Germans would have been placed in the same connection with the episcopate that Saint Petrock was before. It is impossible to attri bute to this charter such an effect. It is evident, that the subjection of Saint Petrock to the bishop, and his interest in the monastery, must, if the see had been there previously, have been of long standing ; and this part of the instrument could have had no application. From the obvious meaning of the document, we are compelled to infer, that the bishop's special authority over that monastery was now conferred by it for the first time ; and thus the possibility of the supposed removal from Bodmin to Saint Germans is wholly precluded.
On the other hand, if we assume that the see had been previously connected with Saint Germans, the con tents of the grant resolve themselves at once into the
1 Kemble's Saxons in England, vol. ii. p. 400. Excerpta Ecgberti Arch. Ebor. 65. — Thorpe's Ancient Laws.
2 Were not "locus "'and "stowe" in technical language synonymous?
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intelligible fact, that it was intended by it to annex to the bishoprick the monastery of Bodmin, in addition to that of Saint Germans. Doubtless, such an act would have conferred an honour, if not a more substantial benefit, on the Bodmin monastery; and must at the same time, by furnishing the episcopate with more ample means of sustaining it, have served to enhance the im portance of the monastery at Saint Germans, which was already intimately connected with the see. We are, therefore, able to understand the force of the phrase, " for the love of the holy Confessor Germanus, as well as of the blessed excellent Petrocus," which is stated in the charter to be the inducement to the grant. The only fair conclusion, as it seems to us, which we can draw from this instrument, is, that the Cornish see was not only at the date of this charter, but had been from the time probably of its creation, placed at the monastery of Saint Germans, and nowhere else. Such is the conclu sion of Dr.Whitaker, and we unhesitatingly adopt it.
This reasoning will, we venture to think, acquire in creased cogency, if we compare this charter with a similar one of King ^Ethelstan, enfranchising the see of Crediton, which for this purpose we insert in the Appendix.1 Both instruments are in pari materid, and illustrate each other. Now, if we exclude from King ^Ethelred's all that relates to Saint Petrock, the remaining portion, mutatis mutandis, will be very nearly a counterpart of the charter of King ^Ethelstan. For, as in the latter, the King, for the love of God, and in veneration of the Blessed Mary,2 and for
1 No. XI.
2 It should seem, from this part of the charter, that the cathedral church of Crediton was dedicated to the Virgin Mary, and consequently could not have been, as generally supposed, the Church of the Holy Cross at Crediton. It is remarkable that there long survived, at Crediton, a guild or brotherhood of " Our Lady." This fact is mentioned by Dr. Oliver, in his Hon. Exon.
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the authority of all the saints, confers freedom on the bishoprick of the church of Crediton ; so, in the other, it would then run that King ^Ethelred, for the love of Christ, and of the holy Confessor Germanus, granted the bishoprick that is in the province of Cornwall, that it might be free. The introduction into this instrument of Saint Petrock's monastery, and the subjection of it to the Cornish bishop, will consequently imply a separate and secondary object, and will have the character which we have attributed to it, of being an additional endow ment in favour of the bishoprick ; on the other hand, if we exclude from .^Ethelred's charter what relates to Saint Germanus, the instrument in great measure loses all force and meaning ; for, as already observed, there surely could have been no need of subjecting Saint Petrock's to the bishop, if the cathedral church had previously been at that place ; nor in this case could we assign any intel ligible purpose whatever to the introduction of Saint Germanus into the grant. For these reasons, we are irre sistibly led back to our first conclusion.
We noticed that the inquisition, in the reign of Edward III., referred to a grant of lands made by King Cnut to the church of Saint Germans. The document containing this grant we shall now submit. It bears date A.D. 1018, and, omitting the irrelevant portion of it, may be thus translated : : —
" Wherefore I, Cnut, enthroned King of the English, do grant unto my most faithful bishop, who is called by the well-known name BurJiwold, in right of a perpetual in heritance, a certain portion of land, to wit, four hides in
1 No. 728, Cod. Dipl. Appendix No. III. We assume that this is the iden tical grant referred to in the inquisition; but it is right to observe, that this fact, however probable, is not exactly proved. See note in the last chapter of this work. But this question is of no importance as regards the object of our inquiry.
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two places divided, where, by the inhabitants, it is called Landerhtun ; and the land elsewhere [called] Tinieltun ; to hold1 so long as the vital breath in this troublous life shall sustain the fragile body ; and after his decease, the land Landerhtun to commit for his soul and the King's, to Saint Germanus in perpetual liberty, and Tinieltun, the bishop to deal with, as to him shall seem fit. And the aforesaid gift to remain, as I have already said, from every worldly service exempt; with all things to the same of right appertaining ; fields, woods, pastures, meadows (military service only excepted, if necessity re quire), and apprehension of thieves, the same liberty to be held in the manner above expressed."
The contents of this charter do not throw any import ant light upon our subject. There is no mention made in it of Saint Pctrock. The grant is of two estates for the especial benefit of the bishop, seemingly, in his pri vate capacity, but with a reversion in one of them, after his death, to the monastery of Saint Germans. It is to this extent an additional testimony of the intimate con nection of the episcopate with Saint Germans.
We have only one more charter to adduce, which is of much interest, not only from its being the instrument which legalises the incorporation of the Devon and Cornish Episcopates into one new diocese, fixing the see at Exeter, but also as it records the installation of Bishop Leofrick into the new bishoprick, by King Eadward and his royal consort in person. It bears date A.D. 1050, eight years after he succeeded to the crown.2 Omitting, as before, the formal parts of it, the following is a translation : —
" Wherefore I, Eadward, by the grace of God, King
1 The "Habendum" in deeds, with which our lawyers are so familiar, was an ancient form even at the date of this charter.
2 No. 791, Cod. Dip. Appendix No. IV.
G
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of the English, actuated by motives of good will, inas much as I have ordained, in accordance with what is commanded in the divine decrees, to consolidate an epis copal chair at the city of Exeter, in the monastery of the blessed Peter, chief of the apostles, which is situated within the walls of the same city, by the authority of the Heavenly King, by my own, and by that of my consort Eadgytha, and of all my bishops and dukes, and by virtue of this special grant, and the assurance of this hand writing,1 for all time to come, do constitute Leofrick that he be the pontiff there, and those who shall succeed him, to the praise and glory of the holy and individual Trinity, Eather and Son and Holy Spirit, and to the honour of holy Peter, the apostle. I give also all possessions to the same place belonging, whatsoever they may be, as well in lands, as in pastures, meadows, woods, waters, freed-men, serfs, and bond-women,2 laws, tax, territories, unto God and Saint Peter, and to the brotherhood of canons there serving ; that they may have at all times landed estate for the support of the body,3 whereby they may be enabled to be Christ's soldiers without trouble of mind. This, however, I make known to the Lord the Pope Leo, first of all, and confirm by his own attestation ; then to all the English nobles, that the diocese of Cornwall, which for merly, in memory of the blessed Germanus, and in venera tion of Petrocus, had been assigned to an episcopal throne, the same, with all the parishes thereto belonging, lands, vills, substance, benefits, I deliver to Saint Peter, in the city of Exeter, to wit, that there may be one episcopal seat, and one pontificate, and one ecclesiastical rule, on account of the paucity, and the devastation of goods and people, inasmuch as pirates have been able to plunder
1 Per hoc privilegium testament! atque cautionem cyrographi."
2 Servis et ancillis. s Subsidium hnbesum eorporia.
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the Cornish and Cryditon churches, and on this account it has seemed good to have a more secure protection against enemies within the city of Exeter, and so there I will the seat to be. That is, that Cornwall with its churches, and Devon with its, may be united into one episcopate, and be ruled by one bishop. Therefore, this special grant, I, King Eadward, lay with my own hand upon the altar of Saint Peter, and the Prelate Leofrick by the right arm leading, and my Queen Eadgytha by the left, I place in the episcopal chair, in the presence of my dukes and kinsmen, nobles and chaplains, and with the assent and approval of the Archbishops Eadsine and ^Elfric, and all the others whose names are mentioned at the end of this instrument."
The usual denunciations follow against such as should be guilty of any infraction of the charter ; and there is also, as usual, a long array of witnesses, containing the names of the two archbishops, five bishops, five dukes, three who sign as " nobilis," two abbats, four presbyters, and ten who sign as " minister/7
Neither this charter of King Eadward the Confessor, nor the former one of King Cnut, furnishes any direct testimony on the subject of our inquiry. It is true they both set forth the bishop and the conventual church at Saint Germans, in such a mutual relation as to leave no doubt that this must have been the place of his see when these documents were executed. But this fact is not controverted. There is, however, a conclusion which, it seems to us, may be derived from their evidence, which we will now lay before the reader.
Camden, and other writers of that period, sought to reconcile the conflicting statements of William of Mal- mesbury, and to clear up the obscurities of the other evidence, by supposing that the Cornish bishops were
84 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
seated, first at Saint Petrock's, and afterwards at Saint Germans. We have shown that this view is untenable ; and equally untenable is the suggestion of Borlase, that Saint Germans monastery was annexed to the Bodmin see. There remains, then, but one conclusion which can possibly be arrived at, and which is adopted by Dr. Whitaker, that the see was at Saint Germans from the first, and that the charter of ^Ethelred annexed to it the monastery at Bodmin.
We are, however, inclined to think that this view should be modified in the manner we are about to explain. Indeed it is probable that our suggestion, from its ob vious nature, will have already presented itself. The argument on which it rests is broadly enunciated by Dr. Whitaker, although he does not exactly point out the inference to be drawn from it. We will quote his words. After commenting on the charter of King ^Ethelred, he thus speaks of its effect : —
"No change was made in the jurisdiction and seat of the bishop. This was still left at Saint Germans, and that was still allowed to be commensurate with Cornwall. But the monastery of Bodmin was now annexed to the see ; the name of Bodmin was now subjoined to that of Saint Germans, and the bishop became, by this conces sion from the crown, the prelate of Cornwall, under the combined titles of Saint Germans and of Bodmin : just as by the same sort of annexation, formerly, the see of Lichfield is now entitled Lichfield and Coventry."
But why are we to suppose, with Dr, Whitaker, that under such circumstances the see was not changed ? Are we not rather justified in inferring that there was from that time a joint see? Is the title of the see to be de rived from two places, and the see itself not to be deemed at both these places ?
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Let us revert again to the charter of King Eadward. We shall observe that the Cornish episcopate is there stated to have been "formerly assigned to an episcopal throne, in memory of the blessed Germanus, and in venera tion of Petrocus" So strong do these words seem, that, if taken alone, they imply that the episcopacy had been connected with both these monasteries from its first creation ; and we should have been compelled to draw this conclusion, but for the evidence we have that the annexation of that at Bodmin did not take place until the reign of King ^Ethelred. But it is impossible to in terpret King Eadward's charter in any other way, than by supposing Saint Petrock's monastery to have been so connected with the episcopacy as to share the honour of being the bishop's see equally with that of Saint Germans. The prelate himself would thus have been styled, as sug gested by Borlase, " The Bishop of Saint Germans and Saint Petrock's."
We do not know that any material objection could be raised to this view of the case.1 It is true, that for a bishop to have his seat in more places than one, is an anomaly ; and at a later period of Anglican church his tory, would have been inconvenient, if not impracticable. But at the time we speak of, and with the comparatively simple habits which must have then obtained in the church, it does not seem impossible for a bishop to have had an official residence at two places, and to have re moved from one to the other as occasion served. The language of King Eadward's charter, it must be admitted, is not easy to be understood, in whatever light it is re garded ; but with this interpretation it becomes more intelligible than by any other solution.
1 It should seem that in the Anglo-Saxon times, the capitular bodies took no part, even nominally, in the election of bishops. — Saxons in England, vol. ii. 378.
86 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
Notwithstanding that the Cornish episcopate is fre quently referred to in ancient documents, it is somewhat remarkable that no where do we find it designated by the name of its see. Even when coupled with that of Devon, and in the selfsame sentence, one is constantly styled the " Crediton bishoprick," and the other, as invariably, the " bishoprick of Cornwall" To what ought we to attribute this circumstance? May we not suppose that it was occasioned by the fact of Saint Germans and Bodmin being both made the seat of the bishop, and that it was impossible to designate it by a single word ? l
It may not be without use to consider somewhat more closely what was the exact relation in which the bishop and the monastery stood with regard to each other, when the latter had been made the foundation of his bishoprick. Independently of such a relation, the bishop had, as we have already observed, a general superintendence over all monastic establishments within his diocese ; but by this connection, we presume, he must have become its virtual head, controlling, if not superseding, the abbat or prior, and must also have acquired a right to participate in its revenues. We can derive some few gleams of light on this subject by the aid of the Domesday Survey.
This record was completed A. D. 1086, that is, thirty-six years after the see was removed to Exeter. Osbearne, who succeeded Leofrick, is referred to in it as then bishop
1 Another reason may be assigned, namely, that there was in fact no place by which the see could be designated. It is true that in process of time a town sprang up around the Saint Germans monastery, but it never had any name distinct from the monastery itself which gave it birth, and in the age we are concerned with, it may have had no existence. The canons of the church re quired the episcopal seat to be in a large town, but here there was perhaps not a village ; and for the reason stated, there may have been no usage to warrant the see being distinguished by the name of the saint to whom the cathedral church was dedicated. This objection would not apply to Saint Petrock, where the town of Bodmin had already acquired a distinctive appellation, and had the see been there it might assuredly have been termed the see of Bodmin.
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of that diocese. Among the lands it enumerates as be longing to the bishop, we can identify the greater portion of those mentioned in Leofrick's Charter, as the property of Saint Peter's monastery.1 Five of these manors are noted in the Survey, as serving for the maintenance of the canons ; we may therefore presume that all the re maining lands, being the greater part in number, had become the exclusive property of the bishop. This ap propriation of the revenues of the monastery must, we imagine, have been the result of some amicable arrange ment entered into between the parties ; or must have been directed by the crown when the see was established there.
Again, we find it mentioned in the Survey that the bishop held " Critetone," from which we learn that that manor which, without doubt, was previously annexed to the bishoprick whilst the see existed there, passed with it when the see was transferred to Exeter.
It will also be borne in mind, that King Eadward the elder, when he founded the Crediton see, gave to the bishop three vills in Cornwall, viz., "Polltun," "Cselling," and "Landuuithan." The first and last of these are usually identified with "Pautone" and " Langvitetone,"2 recorded in Domesday among the lands at that time the property of the Bishop of Exeter. These also, as annexed to the see, must have passed with it to Exeter.
Let us now observe what took place, at the same period, with regard to the estates of the Cornish episcopacy, arid the two monasteries supposed to be connected with it. The Charter of King Cnut, A.D. 1018, it will be remem bered, conferred on Bishop Buruhwold lands at " Land- erhtun" and at "Tinieltun"; with a direction that the
1 Appendix No. V.
2 Usually deemed to be identical with Pawton (in Saint Breock), and Law- hitton, of the present day ; and Cabling with Callington.
88 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
former, at his decease, should pass to the monastery of St. Germans ; and the latter should be at the bishop's own disposal. The property of " Landerhtun" consisted of lands in the parish of Landrake, which adjoins that of St. Germans.1 "Tinieltun" we are not able to identify with certainty. We know, however, that lands in Land- rake and " Tynyell," wherever that may have been, were among the possessions of the Saint Germans priory at the time of its dissolution.2 We are, therefore, left to infer, that the latter property had been given to it by Burh- wold, and that both were retained by the monastery on
1 We assume this charter to be the grant referred to in the inquisition. — Appendix Nos. III. IX. The property the inquisition relates to, is " three mes suages and two acres of land and half, with the appurtenances in Laurake [no doubt an error of the copyist for Lanrake], in the county of Cornwall." The names Darton and Tarton are still found in the parish of Landrake ; and Tarton Down, in Landrake, is said to have supplied the stone of which Saint Germans church is built. The priory had large possessions in that parish at the time of its dissolution; and if they were derived from Cnut's grant, which comprised four hides, we must read the inquisition as if it had been said in modern legal phraseology, "the three messuages," &c., were granted "inter alia" The four hides, no doubt, contained a large area ; for taking the hide at the lowest com putation of thirty acres, and applying it, as was the usage, to the arable land only, it was probably accompanied with some hundred acres of wood and pas ture, which it was not usual to take account of. Some traces of " Landerhton" may possibly still survive in the name of the parish, at this day " Landrake," but more probably in "Darton" and "Tarton."
2 We suspect " Tynyell" to be the same as the manor and farm now called "Tinnel," in the parish of Landulph, Cornwall, a few miles from Landrake, although, as yet, we have not been able to obtain a positive confirmation of it. The priory of St. Germans had tithes in that parish at the dissolution. In the Ministers' Accounts, 31 Henry VIII., we have —
"SANCTI G-EKMANI PBIOKATUS COMITATU COENTJBIJE.
(Among other entries) Lanrake manerium redditus liberorum tenencium .... £ 8 2 3|
Lanrake villa redditus liberorum tenencium 1 11 6
„ „ redditus convencionariorum tenencium . . . . 51 11 Oi
Tynyell redditus liberorum tenencium 106
„ redditus tana convencionariorum tenencium quam cus-
tumariorum 20 11 10^
„ Perquisita curie 098
Landylpe porcio decline garbarum 0 10 0"
Oliver's Monast. Dioec. Exon.
THE PLACE OF THE SEE. 89
the transfer of the see. The disposition of the manor of St. Germans is, however, particularly instructive, since we find its lands divided, with some show of equality, between the bishop and the monastery. The entry in Domesday may be thus translated. We take the extract from the Exeter copy of this record, as it is somewhat more explicit than that in the Exchequer : —
" The bishop has one manor, which is called Saint Germans, which Lcuricitus (Leofrick) the bishop held on the day when King Edward was alive and dead. In it there are twenty-four hides. Of these the canons of Saint Germans have twelve hides, which never paid tax ; and the twelve hides of the bishop paid tax for two hides. These twelve hides of the bishop twenty ploughs can plough. There has the bishop one hide in demesne and two ploughs ; and villani have eleven hides and sixteen ploughs. There has the bishop thirty villani, and twelve bordarii, and four servi, and thirty sheep, and two leugae of wood in length, and one in breadth, and four leugae of pasture in length, and two in breadth, and it pays per annum eight pounds, and when the bishop [first] received, it was worth a hundred shillings. And the twelve hides of the canons of Saint Germans forty ploughs can plough. There have the canons one hide in demesne, and two ploughs, and villani eleven hides and twenty-three ploughs. There have the canons twenty-three villani, and fifteen bordarii, and two servi, and sixty sheep, and four leugae of wood in length, and two in width, and two leugae of pasture in length, and one in breadth, and it is worth per annum, for the use of the canons, a hundred shillings."1
1 "Eps lit imansionem que vocat Scs German q tenuit leuricitus eps ea die q rex E. fuit v. et ra. In ea st xxim hid. de his hnt Canonici Sci German! XII hid. "q numq redd gildii et xii Epi reddidert gildu p. II hidis. has xii hidas epi posst arare xx carr. Inde fit eps I hid in dnio ct n carr. et villani lint xi hid-
90 THE EPISCOPATE OE CORNWALL.
It is quite evident from this entry, that on the removal of the see to Exeter, a partition, either compulsory or by agreement, was made of the territorial possessions of this establishment : the bishop carrying with him to the new see the manor of Saint Germans, and one half of the lands comprised in it ; the monastery retaining the other half. In this fact we have the most indisputable proof of the intimate connection of the latter with the Cornish see.
In the case of the Bodmin monastery we find no evi dence whatever that any portion of its revenues was appropriated to the new diocese. There is in Domesday, as already mentioned, an enumeration of its landed estates ; but inasmuch as this record represents only what the monastery possessed at the time it was com piled, being more than thirty years after the change of the see, we cannot be sure that some of the lands then held by the bishop, had not formerly been the property of this priory. It is true Lei and observes, " William Warlewist, Bishop of Excestre, erected the last fundation of this priory, and had to himself part of the auncient landes of Bodmin monasterie ;" but we take it, this ap plies only to lands which this bishop appropriated to himself, on his reconstituting this institution, long after the time we speak of. It is remarkable that the two, Devonshire manors of " Holecumbe " and " Niwetone," which were the property of this priory, the latter of which had been given to it so early as the reign of King
et xvi carr. Ibi ht eps xxx villanos et xn bord et nil servos et xxx oves et II leugas nemoris i longit et I ilat et mi leugas pascue I long and n ilat et reddit p. annum vin libras, et qdo eps accepit valebat C sol. et xii hid. ca- nonicorum Sci German, possunt arare xl carr. Inde habent canonic! I hid in dnio et n carr et villani, xi hid, et xx.ni carr. Ibi hnt canonichi, xxm villanos, et xv bord, and II servos, et Ix oves, et mi leugas nemoris i longit et n ilatit, et ii leugas pascue i longit et I ilat, et ualet p. annum ad opus canonichor r solid." — Exeter Domesday.
THE PLACE OF THE SEE. 91
Eadred, are recorded in Domesday as still belonging to it. It might have been supposed that if any of its pro perty had passed to the Bishop of Exeter, these outlying portions would have been first selected. On the whole we are inclined to think that the new bishoprick took no benefit from the lands of Saint Petrock ; nor do we see, in this circumstance, any thing which militates against the notion that it participated in the Cornish see. It is worth remarking, that the instrument by which it was annexed to the episcopate, seems to have passed, by the term "locus,"1 nothing more than the monastery itself. It does not contain the words " with all its lands," &c., or any such general clause as would imply that the whole of its landed property was intended to be included in the grant. We should likewise bear in mind that it was a recent acquisition of the episcopacy, and not be longing to it at its first foundation, as Saint Germans was ; and that it was conferred apparently for the better support of the episcopacy in Cornwall, and consequently on the removal of the see to another county, it is not surprising that it should have been allowed to revert back to the same state and condition as it enjoyed before the annexation. On the other hand, the fact of the Bodmin monastery not contributing to the support of the new diocese, if we may assume as much, is to our mind a strong proof that its connection with the Cornish bishoprick was of a less intimate character than that of Saint Germans, and consequently that it could not have been the foundation of the see from its commencement, as it is sometimes contended.
Passing from these evidences of a remote age to writings of a comparatively modern date, we may advert to the evidence of Leland. All the memoranda he has
1 Page 77.
92 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
preserved respecting Saint Germans concur in attributing the see to that place. He says : —
" Ethelstan was its first founder.
" It was in the time of Ethelstan the episcopal seat, which afterwards, by Saint Edward the Confessor and King, was transferred to the Church at Exeter."1
And again, in the passage quoted before : —
" He raised one Con an to be bishop, in the church of Saint Germans, A.D. 936, on the nones of December."
" There were successively eleven bishops in the church of Saint Germans. Then the see and secular canons were transferred to Exeter."2
The opinion of Leland on this subject is very clear and decisive ; and if we are not inclined to place implicit confidence in it, or to view these memoranda as any thing more than traditions preserved on the spot, the fact of his seeing eleven bishops painted in Saint Germans Church cannot be doubted, and proves these traditions to have descended from a very early age, and on that account entitled to greater respect.
We should be guilty of a great omission in this part of our inquiry, if we passed over in silence the evidence supposed to be derived from the Saint Petrock manu missions ; more especially as the late President of the Royal Society, who had the good fortune to be the first to submit this interesting document to public notice, ap pears to take for granted that it contradicts Dr.Whitaker's views, and indisputably establishes the see at Bodmin, to the entire exclusion of Saint Germans.3 With every re-
1 " S. Grermanus in Cornubia Prior."
" Ethelstanus, 1s fundator."
"Fuit tempore Ethelstani sedes episcopalis quse postea per Sanctum Ed- wardum confess, regem translata fuit ad ecclesiam Exoniensem." — Leland's Collect, torn. i. p. 75.
3 Page 15. 3 Mr. D. Gilbert's History of Cornwall, vol. iii. pp. 407-8.
THE PLACE OF THE SEE. 93
spcct for the high authority of Mr. D. Gilbert, we feel compelled to observe, that so far from this document in evitably leading to this conclusion, it simply leaves the question just where it was before. We have mentioned, at a previous page, that on the open spaces and margins of this ancient copy of the Gospels we find entered minutes or records of civil transactions, of which the greater num ber purport to have taken place " at the altar of Saint Petrock" ; the transactions thus recorded, consisting of the manumissions of serfs, which were usually made in a church or other public place. These entries, so far as their dates can be ascertained, from allusions to cotem- porary and well-known personages, embrace at least the period from King Eadmund [A.D. 940-46] to the time of Bishop Buruhwold, who, as we have seen, continued in his see until the reign of King Eadward [A.D. 1042], that is, a period of about one hundred years. We have already noticed that it may be gathered from the entries that the altar of Saint Petrock was in a minster or conventual church, and that Bodmin being twice mentioned as a place close by it, the obvious inference is that this con ventual church was at the well-known monastery of Saint Petrock at Bodmin. We also find in them that mention is made of the presence of a bishop on twelve different occasions. Now, without doubt, had this evidence stood alone, and had we no other data to rely upon, this pre. sence of a bishop on so many occasions would have afforded some slight ground for supposing his residence and see to have been at that place. But it is by no means repugnant to his being seated elsewhere, could that be otherwise shown. We have more than once observed, that the bishop had the superintendence of all monastic establishments within his diocese : it surely then is not remarkable that a bishop should have visited
94 THE EPISCOPATE OF CORNWALL.
the monastery of Saint Petrock a dozen times during the long period of nearly a century, although he might have had his see in some other part of the county. In one instance we find among the witnesses present the name of " Gestin, the bishop's steward/' which would seem to imply that the household of the bishop, and if so, the bishop himself, must have resided there. It is possible that this entry, the exact date of which we have no means of ascertaining, may apply to the period subse quent to the annexation of the Bodmin monastery to the see, by the charter of ^Ethelred, A.D. 994. And under the circumstances which then arose, we may suppose either that Bodmin was then admitted into the parti cipation of the honours of the see, as already suggested, or, if that participation be objected to, that the right of control which the bishop had acquired, by means of that charter, over the revenues of the monastery, had given cause for the presence of his steward on the occasion referred to.1 In any point of view, we are unable to discover in the evidence of the Saint Petrock Book of the Gospels any such " instantia crucis " as Mr. D. Gilbert assumes. It appears to us neither to add to nor diminish the force of the argument on the one side or the other, but to leave the question just in the same position in which it stood before this ancient record had come to light. To recapitulate, we may here observe, that the evi dences adduced in this and the preceding chapter, esta blish beyond controversy the existence of the Bodmin monastery of Saint Petrock from a very early period ; while for that which is supposed to have existed at Pad- stow we are without any positive proof, and find nothing
1 It may be remarked, that on the occasion of the three several royal visits recorded at Saint Petrock's, there is no notice of the presence of a bishop : a circumstance not likely to have occurred had the bishop been there resident.
THE PLACE OF THE SEE. 95
alleged in its support but a mere conjecture, wholly in sufficient to give it a right to supplant in our minds the one at Bodmin. We are consequently led to conclude that the latter was the Saint Petrockstowe of Anglo-Saxon history. Again, the charter of King Eadward represents to us both the Saint Germans and Bodmin houses to be so intimately connected with the episcopate, that we are induced to believe they were either successively or jointly the place of the see. If we adopt the former view, and suppose a removal from Bodmin to Saint Germans, it would be difficult to understand King ./Ethelred's charter, which evidently conferred on the Cornish bishop, for the first time, a special control over and property in the Bodmin establishment ; still more difficult would it be to reconcile the state of facts disclosed to us, with the alleged annexation of Saint Germans to Bodmin. No other conclusion remains but to suppose that the monas tery of Saint Germans was the original seat of the bishops, and that after the annexation of the Bodmin monastery, by King JEthelred, their see was probably at both these places indifferently, and so continued until the new see was established at Exeter. This conclusion, derived from the documentary evidence alone, is in no respect contra dicted by such other testimony as we can command.
96
CHAPTER VI.
Commencement of the Cornish See — involved in obscurity — not easily accounted for — The silence of the Bodleian MS. respecting it — from what cause— Difficulties explained by supposing the See to be of British foundation — Reasons assigned for the removal to Exeter — somewhat questionable — preju dicial to the Cornish — Evidences from Architectural Remains — at Bodmin — at St. Germans — Cudclenbeake slated to have been the Bishop's Palace — Conclusion.
IT cannot fail to excite surprise that the origin of the Cornish Episcopate should be involved in that obscurity in which we find it. Although its commencement may have been, and probably was, coeval, or nearly so, with the en tire submission of Cornwall to Saxon rule, that event lay far within the range of English history; and other bishop- ricks of much older date have their foundations distinctly recorded. If we refer to the Bodleian MS.,1 a document undoubtedly of very high antiquity, we may observe, that it contains a narrative of the circumstances which led to the consolidation of the two sees. It begins with inform ing us of the creation of the Crediton see, by Eadward the elder ; but it is wholly silent as to the origin of that of Cornwall. It would be difficult to attribute this omis sion to the fact itself not having been then known, unless there were reason to suppose that the see originated in an age and under circumstances altogether different from what have been ordinarily assumed.2 The docu-
1 Appendix No. VI.
2 Whatever doubts there may be respecting the correctness of the story of the seven bishops ordained in one day, in the reign of Eadward the elder, we imagine there can be little doubt of the Crediton see having been established about that time. Eadulf, its first bishop, was occupying the see A.D. 933
OENERAL REMARKS. • 97
ment then proceeds to state the appointment of Leofrick to the bishoprick of " the church of Creditor, and of the province of Cornwall ;" and that this prelate, perceiving that " either province of his diocese, that is Devon and Cornwall'' had been devastated by pirates, meditated how he could transfer the episcopal chair (not of the Devon and Cornish episcopates, but) of Crediton, to the city of Exeter. Thereupon he despatches a messenger to the Pope, to request his intercession with the King for this removal to Exeter of the Crediton see only. The Pope's letter to the King, in compliance with Leofrick's request, then follows ; but not one word, or the most distant allusion, do we find in these communications between Leofrick and the Pope which has reference to the see of Cornwall, which seems to have been altogether ignored throughout this transaction. How are we to account for the manner in which the Cornish episcopate has been passed over in this document? Are we to ascribe this reticence to the inadvertence or carelessness of the person by whom the narrative was drawn up ? The general character and style of the document hardly admit of this conclusion. Or are we to understand that the episcopate of Cornwall was intentionally kept out of view in the communication to the Pope ? In the latter case there must surely have been some cogent reasons for adopting this course. Perhaps it may be said that Leofrick, holding both bishop- ricks, and having his seat at Crediton, that for Cornwall
[Appendix No. XI.], and we may fairly presume that the see of Cornwall could not have been created previously to that of Crediton ; consequently, not a century and a half could have intervened between its creation and the time of Leofrick's episcopate : a period too short to admit of our supposing that the cir cumstances attending that event